British Colonial Education in the Indian Subcontinent (1757-1858): Attitude of Muslims

1. Introduction

In the middle of the eighteenth century, the Indian subcontinent entered into a new phase of its history defined by British colonialism and subjugation. During the British colonial period, the Muslim community's values, identity, and status were under threat and the Muslims remained vulnerable because the British saw them as their competitors.

The British education policy is often discussed with reference to its impact on the Indian subcontinent, particularly on Muslims who faced direct discrimination in the colonial education plan. Before the British era, education was open to all during the Sultanate (1206-1526) and under the Mughal (1526-1857) rulers. Muslim education system in the pre-colonial period (1206-1757) was an Islam-based madrasah education system, although it imparted all kinds of knowledge with Hindu and Muslim children studying together in the same class.¹ In the Muslim period, the science of morality and social conduct, arithmetics, mathematical notations, agriculture, geography, astrology, physiognomy and foretelling, family management, public administration, medicine, logic, sciences, and history were among the subjects studied. Whereas, grammar, philology, logic, Vedanta, and Patanjali were all obligatory subjects for Sanskrit learners. These subjects were supposed to be taught in various stages. The teacher’s sole purpose was to aid the students in learning and students were  encouraged to memorise moral rules and expressions.

The British took over Bengal province in 1757 and quickly changed the political environment for Muslims. They introduced an education system to tame what they considered as India’s savage and brutish practices and to eradicate superstitions and religious beliefs that were deemed barbaric. Their communal insensitivities, divide and rule policy, and aggressive campaigns by Christian missionaries posed a threat to Islam in the region. Subsequently, western education, with the colonial administration's patronage, entirely ignored the local knowledge systems, including Islamic knowledge acquisition, in their quest to Christianise the entire subcontinent. With the failure of the Sepoy Revolution in 1857, the situation of Indian Muslims worsened, wreaking havoc on the educational structure of the Muslim society. Muslim leaders and academics were decapitated, shot, and hanged. Many Muslim landmarks, mosques, religious schools, and other institutions were demolished. Seth analyses the education of Muslims and women to show how the nationalists felt about western education, which they both wanted and criticised, and how it affected what they made sense of themselves as a group.² The British education policy in India sought to create an English-educated society that was ethnically Indian but culturally European. The policy was aimed to recruit educated Indians who would be loyal to the British as clerks in their offices. These clerks were paid significantly less than Englishmen and hence, it cut down the administration cost. Figure 1 shows the main territories of the Indian subcontinent captured by the British through the first five decades of their rule. The British snatched power from the Muslims and considered them as their enemy. Hence, they designed different policies for the education of Hindus and Muslims. Muslims were divided into different groups for the purpose of western education.³ This study examines the factors that caused conflicting thinking among Muslims and analyses the different attitudes of the Muslim community towards British colonial education.

Figure 1. Chronology of British Occupation of the Indian Subcontinent

2. An Overview of the British Education Policy

Before the entry of the British, India's education system was small but well-organised, with Muslim children attending Madrasahs and Maktabs and Hindu children attending Pathshalas and Tols. Children were taught Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit, religion, grammar, reasoning, law, arithmetic, philosophy, health, and astrology in these schools.⁴ The British government rejected this faith-based education system and imposed a British system with the colonial goal of bestowing English education to India.

Numerous commissions and committees were established to advance western education in colonial India. Figure 2 presents different educational policies throughout this period. The British highlighted the need for vernacular learning and language, albeit in small number, along with English language and thought teaching. Following the transition of power from the British East India Company to the Queen in 1858, numerous institutions devoted themselves to western education, ideas, and literature. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were known as the period of the culmination of western education, despite the fact that it was initiated by company officers and missionaries prior to the nineteenth century. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, modern primary "schools for all" were supported by a colonial civil society movement. Along with Indian intellectuals and social reformers, this movement also involved British, American, and German missionaries.⁵ They worked together to form non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to transform Indian education. They established a new educational culture that prioritised memorisation, assessment, and technocratic administration. Furthermore, they created the foundation for the colonial education system which replaced indigenous education and made education more socially accessible.

Figure 2. Major Education Policies During the British Colonial Period

According to nineteenth century reformers, education for all did not necessarily mean equal educational opportunities for everyone. Instead, primary education became a tool for teaching various subalterns "their place" in the colonial society, while Christian religious teachings met much stronger resistance.⁶ Muslims, who were divided into different categories based on educational goals, found the educational policies of the British from 1781 to 1883 to be the most confusing. However, despite the construction of universities and the most liberal and contemporary educational programmes from 1902 to 1947, Muslim community had been negatively impacted for more than a century (1781-1883) by colonial educational efforts. This educational strategy had a detrimental effect on Indians, particularly the Indian Muslim community. The education system classified people into two groups, namely those who obtained British education and those who did not.⁷ As a result, this system of education fostered class division and animosity among India's indigenous people, eroding cohesion and supporting the British ideology of rule and oppression.

From a purely legal standpoint, the British education policy in India was not only a tool of dominance but also a weapon of slavery to be wielded against Indians. This system of instruction can be compared to the banking approach, which may have offered opportunities for economic control rather than growth.⁸ Lord Macaulay's lecture emphasised the crucial importance of education in moulding the minds of Indians to effectively serve the goals of the colonial power.⁹ Memorising was the dominant n British education policies rather than applying, analysing, evaluating, and creating, which are essential tools for effecting learning.¹⁰ When the company became the ruler, the British attitude towards Indians changed.¹¹

British India's education system was, in fact, a control plan. Indeed, the British East India Company gradually took the subcontinent's control away from the Muslims and regarded them as a major adversary. Since the British administration considered Muslims as their chief opponents, the education system became a tool to erode Muslim identity.¹² So, the British education system was designed to have a huge negative impact on Indian Muslims, causing the community considerable social, economic, religious, cultural, legal, political, and institutional harm.

Education is inextricably linked to a country's culture as it facilitates the "inter-generational transfer of knowledge."¹³ The British colonial education system aimed to make men as loyal and as European as possible, as well as to prepare educated Indians to work for the British empire at a low wage. However, eventually, the British began to lose interest in India's educational and religious matters. They discovered that interfering with Indian education and religious matters would hurt their political and financial interests, so they set up Madrasahs and colleges in India to give students an oriental education in the country's relevant sociocultural setting.¹⁴

Governor General Warren Hastings (1772-1785) founded Alia Madrasah in 1780 and Governor General Lord Amherst (1823-1828) established Sanskrit College in 1823. Governor General Lord Wellesley (1798-1805) built Fort William College in 1800 to improve oriental studies by providing English officials with the opportunity to learn indigenous languages. However, British Liberals and Evangelicals¹⁵ pressed for the establishment of a British education system with English as the predominant medium of teaching. The British established a Public Instruction Committee, which was split into two opposing sides - the Anglicists¹⁶ and the orientalists.17 While Anglicists advocated British education by denigrating indigenous schooling, orientalists championed indigenous schooling. Debates between orientalists and Anglicists have drawn attention that is out of proportion to their actual significance.¹⁸ Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800-1859), a key figure in the Governor General's Council, indicated, "We must therefore do our best to frame a class of citizens who can respond as experts between us and the millions we dominate; a category of people who are Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, opinion, morals, and wisdom. We may allocate to that group the responsibility of polishing the country's vernacular dialects, enhancing them with technical terms acquired from European taxonomies, and gradually making them into instruments for delivering information to the enormous majority of the population."¹⁹

3. The Nature of British Education

The British education system in the Indian subcontinent transformed traditional Indian education to a western-style education, influenced by orientalist and Anglicist discussions.²⁰ Orientalists, such as James Prinsep and Henry Thomas Colebrooke, wanted Indians to have a traditional Indian education. On the other hand, JR Colvin and others believed that Indians should be educated in the western style. The influential Macaulay minutes advocated for English education above the traditional Indian learning to cultivate a class of Indians who possessed Indian physical characteristics but embraced English cultural preferences and associations.²¹ The main objective of the British government in encouraging western education was to establish a group of educated Indians who could fulfill the role of clerk and administrator within the company's operations. This was a cost-effective strategy since it was more economical to employ Indians, rather than bring Englishmen from England.²² As a result, institutions such as Elphinstone College (Bombay) and Calcutta Medical College were established in 1835. The Wood's Despatch of 1854, commonly referred to as the 'Magna Carta of English education in India', standardised and organised the education system in India from primary to university levels. It placed significant emphasis on education in both English and native languages and encouraged the creation of schools and universities throughout the provinces.²³ The universities of Madras, Calcutta, and Bombay were established before 1857, whereas the universities of Punjab and Allahabad were established in 1882 and 1887, respectively. However, notwithstanding the efforts made, the British education strategy in India had its limitations.²⁴ The emphasis on western education resulted in the disregard of scientific and technical education, thus resulting in India lagging in western sciences and technology by the late 19^th century.²⁵ Furthermore, the education system primarily catered to the requirements of the colonial authority, neglecting the promotion of widespread literacy or women's education. Even if they managed to achieve higher education, women encountered discrimination in terms of salary and privileges.²⁶

4. Attitude of Muslims towards British Colonial Education

During the British colonial era, the attitude of Muslim intellectuals toward western education was conflicting; one group was liberal, another was reactionary, and others were neutral.27 The reactionary group showed such an aversion to the British based on their lifestyle and culture that they completely avoided western education. They frequently revolted, as if by instinct, against the community's subaltern sensitivity, which prevented them from supporting British colonialism.

The Muslims were ardent in their religious convictions, practices, and rituals. Most Muslims preferred to engage in trade and commerce over seeking employment under any administration. Additionally, the company's policies exacerbated their economic disparity. Due to their lacking western-style education, they were denied government positions. Due to this fact, they were not powerful enough to regain control from the British, which is why their active resistance to them was in vain. Muslim solidarity was also weakened as a result of these actions and they were divided into two major socio-political groups formed during this period. While the Aligarh movement influenced their attitudes towards modern education to advance their political and socioeconomic goals in India; other Muslim groups preferred to resist British authority while preserving their own educational structure and traditional teaching. On behalf of the reactionary group, Darul-Uloom Deoband advocated for a Muslim education sector.²⁸

Mujeeb Ashraf classified Muslim attitudes towards the British into four groups. One set of aristocrats believed that friendship and affiliation with the British were necessary for the Indian nation’s continued survival and made it a policy to be amicable with the British. Another faction was so taken by the British and their traditions that they wanted to structure the matters of state and social conditions along British lines. A third group was neither obedient nor hostile to the British government, opting instead for a policy that suited their own personal and egotistical purposes. Finally, there was a fourth faction that was completely opposed to British domination and connection.²⁹

Political events and their impact on Muslims must be studied to comprehend the Muslim mindset. Political events following the battles of Plassey (1757) and Buxar (1764) altered the British attitude toward Muslims. From that point onwards, the British were extremely circumspect in their dealings with them. After consolidating their dominion, they began to systematically destroy the financial strength of the Muslim community. Even some Europeans including Sir Charles Trevelyan and Montgomery Martin felt sorry for the condition of Indian factories and workers as a result of the East India Company's business policies.³⁰ Many of India's finer industrial arts that were in the hands of competent Muslims were destroyed. The Muslims of Bengal, in particular, were the largest losers.³¹ In 1793, the British passed the Land Act, which had a detrimental effect on their economic situation. The Act altered the interactions with landlords, particularly with Muslims, and effectively ended their land ownership.³² In 1837, when English replaced Persian as the language of the court, it had a huge impact on Muslim officers who were proficient in Persian and not in English. Hafiz Malik correctly observes, "Their objective was to drive Muslims out of professions and positions of financial and administrative power.³³

During the period of Muslim control in the Indian subcontinent, religious tolerance was promoted, which created an atmosphere where all communities could freely practise their faith, including providing education for their children.³⁴ Royals promoted and endorsed education throughout the subcontinent, enabling access to learning for all individuals, irrespective of their religious beliefs.³⁵ There were cases where rulers exempted large properties from taxation, potentially stabilising areas and facilitating the growth of education.³⁶ Finally, as a result of Muslim rulers' endeavours, every inhabitant of the land, Muslim or Hindu, man or woman, wealthy or impoverished, was endowed with the right to gain knowledge. The era in which the British Empire asserted itself throughout India, the Muslims became worried that their community's religious beliefs were being eroded by western culture and intellect. The pupils' passion for receiving a modern education faded day-by-day, as seen by the statistics presented in the adjacent chart.

Table 1. Number of Muslim Students at the British Authorised Educational Institutions (Adapted from G. A. Khan).³⁷

Table 1 indicates that a very small number of Muslims attended educational institutions that offered instruction in English, despite the fact that the Muslim community accounted for at least a quarter of the entire population of the Indian subcontinent.

According to the 1882 Education Commission, Muslim enrollment was often quite low. The Madras province had a total enrollment of 25,058 pupils, 870 of whom were Muslims. Meanwhile, Muslim student enrollment in other provinces, such as Bombay, Bengal, the North-Western provinces, Oudh, and Punjab remained stagnant. Due to their historical roots, their ego as the past ruling authority, uncertainty about the goals of colonial education, and ideological differences, there was a significant decrease in the number of Muslim students in British-approved educational institutions. Due to their rejection of British education, as well as the animosity of the British towards them, the Muslims were completely excluded from the education being offered and cpnsequently could not attain public positions in the colonial administration.

In the second half of the nineteenth century, Muslims were framed as the primary perpetrators of the 1857 uprising. This revolution witnessed the participation of both Hindu and Muslim individuals who reacted against the discriminatory policies implemented by the British. Nevertheless, following the suppression of the rebellion, the British singled out the Muslim population as its perpetrator.³⁸ The change in viewpoint was shaped by British narratives that depicted Hindus and Muslims as zealous adherents of their respective religions and characterised the violence in India as being uncivilised.³⁹ As a result, numerous Muslim families were murdered or tormented. Thus, the British had little reason to encourage Muslims to join the renowned British Indian Civil Service. Sir William Hunter's book, Indian Musalmans, provides the evidence necessary to understand the terrible situation of Muslims during those times.⁴⁰ Syed Amir Ali states that up until 1793, both administrative and legislative high offices were held by Muslims. However, senior management positions were then designated entirely for Europeans.⁴¹ Hunter stated explicitly that the representation of Muslims in the service was pitifully low. Only 83 officials from the Muslim community were among the 1028 prominent British services officials. Hunter remarked, "At 100 years old, the Musalmans monopolised all the key positions in the government."⁴² Such was the transformation of India's political structure.

When the British gained political and economic influence, they began interfering in educational institutions as well. For example, they provided missionaries with various forms of support to propagate the Christian religion through educational institutions. They appropriated substantial amounts of money to support English education and scientific knowledge via missionary groups. Furthermore, the British seized or revoked all forms of donations and Waqf holdings, which were used to fund and manage Islamic institutions. Thus, Muslim enrollment in both Islamic and general education began to decline. As a result of the prejudiced and discriminatory British policies, the Muslims were compelled to live in substandard conditions.

In this context, pioneering ulama, such as Shah Abdul Aziz (1746-1824), Shah Ismail Dehlvi (1779 –  1831), Muhammad Ishaq, Syed Ahmad Barelvi, (1786–1831), Imdadullah Muhajir Makki (1817 – 1899), Maulana Qasim Nanawtawi (1833-1880) (who guided the Deobandi Movement), Syed Ahmad Khan (who guided the Aligarh Movement), Haji Shariatullah (1781-1840), Titumir Syed Mir Nisar Ali (1782 –1831), and Keramat Ali in Bengal (1800-1873), (who guided the Faraizi Movement), emphasised education and social reforms and spearheaded the initiative to educate and teach Muslims about Islamic traditions and principles.⁴³ They committed their lives to enacting significant change in the field of education.

The Charter Act of 1813 was designed to allocate educational finances, signifying a transition towards advancing education.⁴⁴ The issue sparked discussions on educational objectives, with one group calling for advancing traditional Indian education by utilising languages such as Persian and Classical Sanskrit.⁴⁵ Missionaries used the Act to establish English-medium schools, with the primary objective of promoting Christianity.⁴⁶ Although the Act promoted various educational methods, it did not explicitly require the utilisation of antiquated languages. Conversely, it initiated deliberations regarding the equilibrium between conventional and contemporary education in India.⁴⁷ Its primary purpose was to re-establish domestic support for the British and establish ties with the Hindus. This Act became popular both socially and culturally. The majority of the Hindus agreed with it.⁴⁸ The British government’s lack of commitment to education in India was evident by the fact that the award of 100,000 rupees for educational objectives was not spent until 1823, despite the fact that it was a pittance for the vast expanse of India.

When William Beetning arrived in India as Governor General in 1828, he forcibly abolished Muslim endowments. The Muslims lost a lot of funding for education as a result of this policy and the British-Muslim relationship worsened.⁴⁹

Table 2. A Data of Muslim and Hindu Appointments to British Government Posts (Adopted from W.W. Hunter, 1969).

As Table 2 indicates, the Muslims lost the majority of their government jobs. According to G. Ali Khan, "There were few government offices, in which a Muhammadan could hope for a position at the level of poster, messenger, ink-pot filler, or pen mender."⁵⁰ It is worth noting that the new "protégés" of the British, the Hindus, were to gain the most from this anti-Muslim prejudice. Even when the Muslim candidates met all of the prerequisites for government offices, they were prohibited from holding them by official proclamation. This was corroborated by Wasti,⁵¹ who added that all types of jobs, big and small, were rapidly stolen away from the Muslims and conferred on people of other communities/sects, mainly Hindus. The moment arrived for the government to openly single out Muhammadans for rejection from public office in its gazettes.

Lord Macaulay became a member of the General Committee of Public Instruction and was chosen as the President of the Committee in Calcutta in 1834. He ruled over India's legislation and education system.⁵² As President, he convened a meeting in 1834 to decide whether education should be conducted in the English language or in indigenous languages but the committee failed to reach a consensus. He scribbled his opinion on a piece of paper and then, in a meeting with Governor General Benting (1834-1835) held on February 2, 1835, he prioritised the British method of education in all of India over domestic approaches.⁵³ Lord Macaulay, a patriotic Englishman, had an unwavering belief in the superiority and accomplishments of his own country, whether in the sciences or arts.⁵⁴ His recommendations on education to the British Governor General (called Macaulay Minutie and Downward Filtration Theory) exposed his lack of respect for anything Indian. In his discourse on education, he provided a rationale for employing English as the primary language for teaching and supporting the inclusion of western education in the Indian curriculum. He ridiculed Indian knowledge and languages, considering them utterly valueless.⁵⁵

Regarding Indian literature, he claimed that the literary collection of an excellent European library might surpass the entirety of the native literature of India and Arabia, even if it were condensed to just one shelf. Additionally, he believed that western science was significantly more advanced than Indian understanding. "I firmly believe that the historical information gathered from all Sanskrit books is of lesser value compared to what can be found in even the most basic abridged books used in preparatory schools in England."⁵⁶ Macaulay suggested the closure of the Calcutta Madrasah and Calcutta Sanskrit College as he argued for the substitution of traditional Indian educational institutions with western ones.⁵⁷ His objective was to promote western ideas and subjects to achieve intellectual enslavement. This was a component of his comprehensive plan as described in his Memorandum on Indian Education, which condemned the allegedly substandard quality of conventional Indian education.⁵⁸ Macaulay's concept was to cultivate a group of individuals known as "brown sahibs," who would possess a high level of proficiency in western knowledge and morals.⁵⁹

The rumour circulated throughout India that the British were planning to close Muslim and Hindu schools and Madrasahs. A large protest by Muslims and Hindus forced the British administration to reconsider. However, the Governor General agreed with Lord Macaulay's ideas. Hence, on March 7, 1835, these ideas were put into practice across British-occupied India in an official declaration.⁶⁰ Thousands more Indians had received schooling over the past two decades and it was extremely difficult to employ them all. Indeed, the primary goal of western education was to obtain employment. As a result, the unemployment rate increased over time, which contributed to the outbreak of the 1857 war. While people sought western education to advance their careers, missionaries attempted to impose western customs and heritage through their religious instruction. This led to the creation of a group that was Indian by blood but western in thought.⁶¹

Charles Wood created a new educational model for India titled "Wood's Dispatch" in response to this concept.⁶² The East India Company submitted the same to the British government in 1853. It was approved because the Company's stated objective was to administer all of India after Mughal emperors. As a consequence of this acceptance, some individuals expressed their views in parliament in connection with the designing of India's socio-political framework. Additionally, Wood served as the President of the East India Company's Board of Control. In 1854, he sent his design to the East India Company's Board of Directors. It was important in bringing about changes in education in British-occupied India, which is why it is called the ‘Magna Carta of Education.’⁶³

Wood's Dispatch likewise supported Lord Macaulay's views but used diplomatic language to advocate for and promote western learning and literature. Before the arrival of the British in India, Indians were employed in all official positions. However, they were obliged to work in low-ranking situations under colonial rule. The British held every high-ranking position and obtaining high positions necessitated a western education. This prevented Indians from holding high-ranking positions. Similarly, it was stated that education in the arts, sciences, philosophy, and literature would be available. However, there were only routine courses at all levels up to and including higher education qualifications, which harmed the Indians' chances of obtaining high-ranking government positions. The British government proposed financial support for private education schools but the standards were so restrictive that local institutions were unable to apply. Indeed, the primary intention of this financing was to assist the establishment of Christian schools for the purpose of promoting Christianity. Western literacy created the opportunity for "the person to be converted to Christianity". The goal of potential female conversions and the conviction that literacy and transformation are linked prompted Christian missionaries to become active in women's education for both practical and religious motives.⁶⁴

However, after 1857, the British allowed all educational institutions to operate under the auspices of the government only. Therefore, the spread of Christianity became a covert purpose.⁶⁵ In 1882, the British government appointed a commission chaired by W.W. Hunter, also known as the "Hunter Commission,"" which comprised 20 members, two of whom were Muslims and five of whom were Hindus. Syed Ahmad Khan was its first member, followed by his son Dr. Sayed Mehmood. Haji Ghulam Hussain of Amritsar was the second Muslim member.⁶⁶ The Hunter Commission decided to stop requiring religious instruction in public schools. Private institutions, however, were allowed to continue religious instruction. This shows that the cohesion of colonial educational policy and practice is overstated and overlooks the territorial diversity of India, overprivatises the Bengali perspective, and even calls into question the concept of "colonial education" in general.⁶⁷

5. Reactionary Attitude and Movements

British educational practices and attitudes contributed to the formation of several movements among Muslim reformers. One of the most significant reform initiatives was undertaken by Shah Wali Ullah (1703-1762), an inspirational figure who made trenchant criticisms of Muslim social systems, including education. He prioritised the Qur’ān and Hadith over reasoning and philosophy at Madrasah-i-Rahimiyah⁶⁸, which developed into a renowned centre of Islamic education and was recognised as the most significant academy on the Indian subcontinent.⁶⁹ The Farangi Mahal’s academic tradition flourished in Lucknow in terms of curriculum.⁷⁰ This family created an effective Islamic curriculum which continues to influence education even today in this region.⁷¹ Shah Abdul Aziz (d.1824), the son of Shah Wali Ullah, was essential in renewing the reformist campaign against the British after his father's death. In a well-known fatwa, he declared that India had become a Dar-ul-Harb (a place of war).⁷² He did not endorse violent action but he did allow collaboration with the British as long as it did not include the slaughter of other Muslims. Despite the fact that the fatwa was not implemented, other supporters of the Wali Ullah Jihād movement, such as Sayed Ahmad Shaheed (1786-1831), published a fatwa encouraging violent resistance against colonial domination and emphasising education as a long-term strategy for religious revival and power.⁷³

Muslims showed conflicting attitudes to the western educational system, while harbouring certain criticisms and suspicions. The compromising attitude and nature of Muslim aristocrats and the wealthy class drew positive attention and consultation, whilst the ulama closely monitored the policies. Education at missionary schools and colleges was founded on undertaking several trials on different subjects, which resulted in the development of a wide-ranging and diverse design that was later adopted by the East India Company with minor adjustments. According to G. Ali Khan, Muslims predominantly opposed the western education supplied by Christian missionaries since the latter's objective was "neither education of Indian indigenous nor eradication of underdevelopment, but rather the promotion of Christian beliefs."⁷⁴ To substantiate his comment, he highlights an open declaration by a western missionary: Our primary objective was to impart as much learning of our literature and science as necessary to young people; but a secondary and more critical objective was to impart a complete knowledge of Christianity. Likewise, C. Hibbert attested to the fact that manuscripts of the New Testament were handed over to students at these missionary schools.⁷⁵ Additionally, the British undermined Bengali society's conventional way of life with their educational methods and bolstered the economic prominence of Hindus. The consequence of these events might be perceived as the disruption of India's social system. Meanwhile, the Hindu elite class in India responded positively, while Muslims responded negatively, as seen by the proliferation of revivalist and religious movements in India.⁷⁶

The Muslims resisted western educational trends out of concerns about Christian missionaries; while the Company was unconcerned with Muslim modernisation and made no attempt to shape Muslim attitudes. Innovations introduced by modern education are not based on indigenous requirements. Seth analyses the arguments and argues that  since Indians were learning western education by memorising facts, they were not getting "true knowledge." This forced them into a moral quandary where they had to choose between contemporary western wisdom and traditional Indian ideals. These worries, expressed by both nationalists and the British, were a reflection of the concern that western education was not producing the relevant outcomes.⁷⁷ There different Indian responses to the expansion of general education under the extensive supervision of the British colonial power. Many Indians decided to send their kids to school so they can gain the necessary skills in a changing world, where a formal education greatly boosted one's chances of moving up the social ladder. The variety of indigenous responses makes it clear that many people who felt excluded from the current economic, intellectual, or power structures discovered new opportunities through colonial education or actively challenged it.⁷⁸

The Muslim religious and revivalist movements, such as Jihād, Ahl-e-Hadīth, Tariqa-e-Muhammadia, Taqyuni, Faraizi, Aligarh, and Deoband Movements laid the groundwork for Muslims' educational enhancement; these groups attempted to mobilise Muslims against the  socio-political dominance of the British. Simultaneously, the Hindu modernising efforts continued. Thus, for reformist forces, education was reintroduced and refocused as a way of accomplishing change. The ulama's reformist movement ultimately opposed the British educational reforms. Despite Shah Abdul Aziz's passing, the Delhi Institute sustained his movement, which was commanded by Shah Abdul Aziz's disciples, including Mamluk Ali Nanautawi (1789-1851) and Rashid Uddin.

The Jihād movements in India issued a call to arms against company dominance. Muslims in India expressed their hatred for those who opposed Islam, particularly the British and missionaries. Among those leading this way were the Ahl-e-Hadith movement directed by Shah Ismael Shaheed and Maulana Nazir Hussain; the Tariqa-e-Muhammadia movement guided by Sayed Ahmad Shaheed (1786-1831), Titu Mir (1782-1831), Mir Nisar, Maulana Willayat Ali, and Maulana Anayat Ali; and the Taqyuni movement led by Maulana Karamat Ali of Jaunpur.⁷⁹ Haji Shariatullah (1781-1840) led the Faraizi movement in Bengal, whereas Sayed Ahmed Shaheed (1786-1831) led the Tariqah-e-Muhammadiyah movement in Delhi. The Faraizi movement was started to counter the unIslamic activities in India and to ensure that Muslims were meeting their religious obligations. Additionally, this campaign fought for social equality for Muslims in  the Indian society against the dominance of the Company and Christian missions. His son Dodhu Mian's movement grew increasingly aggressive in its opposition to Christian missions and East India Company’s policy. This movement took on a life of its own as a result of the social and religious activities of the Muslims. The Taqyuni movement also continued working against the Company's policies under the guidance of Maulana Karamat Ali Jaunpuri. He also enticed Muslims into Jihād.⁸⁰

The backlash against the Company's policies, which was also evident in the Bihar region under Maulana Karamat Ali's administration, was motivated by Shah Waliullah and Syed Ahmad. Between 1772 and 1850, the British propagated secularism in Indian society. Private agencies also administered the educational resources supplied by the British to the populace. In 1854, a neutral principle was established that all schools delivering secular education to the people should get equal assistance. As disparate as they appeared, Aligarh and Deoband established the first structured movements focused on uplifting Muslims via education. Education posed a significant obstacle for Muslims living in the late 18^th and early 19^th century India under Company authority.

Deoband embodied a commitment to revert to a more genuine and reformist form of Islam in education through a more devout Dars-i-Nizami curriculum.⁸¹ The British adopted a strategic position towards the Darul Uloom Deoband, perceiving it as an institution that posed minimal threat to their dominance. This analysis examines the reasons for the British government's evaluation of madrasahs as lacking in potential harm and the strategies employed to manage them. Initially, this institution was not seen as a centre of political activity or opposition, although it was geographically distant from the British administrated districts. The main emphasis of Darul Uloom Deoband was on religious instruction rather than actively opposing the colonial control, unlike other educational establishments that aimed to secure financial assistance and employment under British governance. The British deemed the Islamic subjects taught in Arabic and Urdu and the Farsi-based curricula as inappropriate for a future career in administration and management.⁸² Nevertheless, Darul Uloom Deoband incorporated significant British concepts such as distinguishing between and developing progressively more attentiveness to institutional contrasts between Anglistic and Indian teaching, secularism and religion, and tradition and modernisation. Deobandi school of thought upheld the integrity of Islamic principles and promoted a comprehensive understanding of the Qur’ān, Hadīth, Ijma, and Qiyas.

This predicament was exacerbated further by the rise of the Aligarh movement, which embraced the British system of modern education. The East India Company's educational reforms generated divisions within the Muslim community. Figure 3 presents the different conflicting groups that turned the battle between reformist movements and the colonial society into a conflict between various groups of Muslims within the colonial context. According to Deobandi school, the English tried to destroy Islamic knowledge and sciences to the fullest extent possible. This was the main effect of British educational policies on Muslims in India.⁸³

Figure 3. Repercussions of the British Colonial Education among Muslims

During the reign of the British East India company, the factors leading to Muslim educational backwardness in India evolved. The regressive attitude of Muslims also contributed to the outbreak of the 1857 war of independence. Although both Hindu and Muslim communities demonstrated their militant opposition to British colonial policies in the war, the British identified Muslims as the primary perpetrators of this revolt.⁸⁴ Muslims who had stayed isolated from western education became more estranged from the British authorities. Figure 3 also shows that some Muslim groups ārejected British rule by defending the Muslim educational framework and traditional learning, despite the liberal aspects of the Aligarh movement having an influence on the Muslim attitude towards modern education aimed to advance their political and socioeconomic goals in India. On the contrary, Darul-Uloom Deoband rejected the British education system and was not as liberal as Aligarh.⁸⁵

Additionally, as a result of the British policy, the belief in the importance of modern education evolved among Indian Muslims. Enlightened figures such as Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) were responsible for educating Muslims about the advantages of western education and learning the English language. Sir Sayed desired to enable Muslims to contest the emerging Hindu socioeconomic and political supremacy. He established numerous educational institutions to shape Muslim attitudes toward contemporary education.⁸⁶ He was acutely aware of the consequences of Muslim educational weakness and desired to emancipate Muslims. As a result of the Company's educational efforts, Sir Sayed educated Muslims in India to retain their socioeconomic and political privileges through modern education.⁸⁷

The Muslim people’s refusal of western education and culture, as well as their attitude towards their successors in power, had a variety of justifications. Royal dignity was one of these factors. Indeed, whereas the Hindus accepted and surrendered to the colonial authority and their policies, the Muslims were confused and mostly rejected these policies as they felt proud and reminiscent of their previous ruling authority. The East India Company's conquest of the Indian subcontinent appeared to be a tough pill for the Muslims to swallow. "When Muslim control ended and real authority reverted to the British, the Muslims would not, could not forget that they formerly governed the region. Their response was vehement and truculent."⁸⁸ As a result, they grew wary of the British, whom they accused of usurping their authority. This led the Muslim community to separate itself from all things British including their culture, language, and education.⁸⁹ By the second half of the nineteenth century, this Muslim refusal to accept western education had major consequences for the Muslim community. S. Tandon predicted that Muslims would fall far behind Hindus in the sphere of contemporary education. Using the Bengal region as an example, he noted that by 1875, Muslims accounted for only 5.4% of overall college enrollment, while Hindus accounted for 93.9%. He continued by stating that it was the same in secondary schools and universities.⁹⁰ Additionally, this state of affairs pushed the Muslims towards insularity, where they remained primarily concerned with their own culture, ideals, and so forth.⁹¹