Reda Ibrahim Abdelgalil*
College of Shari'ah and Islamic Studies
University of Sharjah, United Arab Emirates
Indonesia
This research focuses on waḥy (Qur’ānic revelation), a central term in Islamic theology and a focal point in orientalist discourse. It scrutinizes the extensive array of orientalists’ interpretations of waḥy that ranged from scholarly inquiry to outright skepticism. It goes beyond standard linguistic interpretations, unraveling the concept of waḥy, its translation and broader meanings as viewed by prominent orientalists from the 19th and 20th centuries. The study applies both the analytical and the critical methodologies to provide a contextual analysis to the philosophical and scientific approaches that shaped these orientalists’ perceptions on waḥy, assessing their underlying assumptions. The critique approach aims to engage with their interpretations critically and evaluate their translations of waḥy, examining the extent to which they are anchored in trustworthy and genuine Islamic resources. The research concludes by revealing disparities among orientalists; some of whom challenged the divine essence of Islam and posited theories suggesting that waḥy might have stemmed from external influences or personal disposition of Muhammad (SAW), contrasting sharply with the Islamic sacred view of waḥy. Their theories have significantly shaped the broader western perception of Islam, often portraying Islam as a faith rooted in human and lacking divine authenticity and originality. While other orientalists demonstrated more balanced and impartial views on waḥy, basically rooted in genuine Islamic scholarship. Their views have actively promoted an authentic understanding of waḥy from within its own Islamic worldview, challenging the orientalists’ biased narrative.
The art of translation demands precision, the translator's skills, accuracy, and experience that determines the effectiveness of rendering a text from its original source to a target language. The process is profoundly influenced by the translator's personal beliefs, perspectives, and thought processes. Despite earnest efforts to uphold the ethics of impartiality and precision, translating the beauty, figurative language, and rhetorical elegance of the source text, especially the Qur'ān, is an immense challenge.1 Al-Jurjānī (1009-1078), in his renowned work Dalā'il Al-'Ijāz, aptly commented on the language of the Qur'ān asserting its unique style, grammar, syntax, word choice, phonetics and eloquence.2 Therefore, translation profoundly influences how non-Arabic readers perceive and understand Islam and message of the Qur'ān. The expansion of Western and European colonial powers into many Muslim countries during the 19th and 20th centuries fostered increased contact between the west and the Islamic world.3 Edward Said remarked, "The occupation gave birth to the entire modern experience of the Orient."4 Western scholars, driven by a mixture of intellectual curiosity and colonial motivations, showed great interest in acquisition of the eastern language and cultures. In their studies, they critically scrutinized the history of the Qur'ān and the process of its revelation.5
Following the 19th and 20th century timeline, renowned orientalists such as John Medows Rodwell (1808–1900), William Muir (1819–1905), Theodor Nöldeke (1836–1930), Edward Palmer (1840–1882), Richard Bell (1876–1952), Regis Blachere (1900–1973), Arthur Arberry (1905–1969), and W. Montgomery Watt (1909–2006) largely aligned their views with those of the early Meccan disbelievers regarding Prophet Muhammad and the Qur'ān at the start of the waḥy (revelation). They argued that waḥy signified no more than 'suggestions' and 'intellectual locution.'6 These orientalists frequently sought to establish connections between the Qur'ān and earlier Judaism and Christianity. Thus, challenging the traditional Islamic perspective that waḥy was purely a divine phenomenon.7 Their scholarship was often based on the presumption that Muhammad was not a Prophet.
Furthermore, orientalists also introduced chronological theories, reorganizing the Qur'ān from a historical standpoint. These conjectures have shaped their understanding of waḥy, sometimes leading to distortions in the portrayal of Islam.8 Their works have had a significant influence on how Islam and the Qur'ān are perceived in the West, creating a foundation for academic studies that scrutinize the orientalists' translations of the Qur'ān. This article explores the concept of wahy within the framework of orientalist scholarship in the 19th and 20th centuries. It analyzes and refutes their perspectives that question the authenticity of waḥy, while also presenting a balanced viewpoint that underscores the objective perspective within orientalist scholarship. The article focuses on (a) the intricate linguistic and technical nuances of waḥy and its broader relevance in both Islamic and orientalist debates, (b) the methods used by orientalists to translate the concept of waḥy, and (c) the impact of these translations on the Western audience's understanding of the Qur'ān and its fundamental concepts.
The concept of waḥy has been extensively explored in many books and studies written by Muslims and non-Muslim scholars. This concept has been analyzed through various perspectives, including linguistics, theology, philosophy and more broadly within the context of Qur'ānic studies. Al-Zarkashī's Book of Al-Burhān Fī 'Ulum al-Qur'ān and al-Suyutī's book of Al-Itqān Fī 'Ulum al-Qur'ān, give a special focus to waḥy including its nature, types, and the process of revelation from heaven to the Prophet Muhammad through direct speech, the angel Gabriel and as divine inspiration to the heart of the Prophet. The Islamic classical books of Sunnah and Prophet's biography such as Sahīh Al-Bukharī, Sahīh Muslim, Ibn Ishāq's Sirat Rasul Allah and al-Wāqidī's Kitāb al-Maghāzī contain sections on waḥy and its impact and role in the life of Prophet Muhammad (SAW). Abdul Kabīr's Hussain Solihu's article, "Revelation and Prophethood in the Islamic Worldview," delves into the interplay between revelation and prophethood. Muhammad Rashīd Reda's Book, Al-Waḥy al-Muhammadi, investigates the concept of waḥy and its authenticity as a divine revelation given to the Prophet Muhammad. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Razī's book, Risālah fī Ithbāt al-Nubuwwāt, addresses the rational basis for belief in waḥy and its descend upon the Prophet.
Muhammad Mustafah Al-Azamī's book, The History of the Qur'ānic Text from Revelation to Completion, explores the authenticity of waḥy and challenges claim of its human authorships. Muhammad Mohar Ali's book, The Qur'ān & Orientalists, provides an analysis and critique to many orientalists' writings that have questioned the divine origin of waḥy and its authenticity. Ahmad Syukron and Nikmatul Khairiyah's article, "Chronology of the Qur'ān According to Theodor Nöldeke and Sir William Muir (Analysis of the History of the Qur'ān and Life of Mahomet)," gives an analysis and critique to Nöldeke and Muir's perspective of the chronology of the Qur'ān, proving the weakness of their methodologies in making the chronological arrangement of the Qur'ān. Ahmed Gumaa Siddeik's study, Critical Reading of A. J. Arberry's Translation of the Meanings of the Holy Qur'an (Koran Translated), explores the linguistic errors in the Arberry's translation and their impact on understanding the concept of revelation. Maaref Majid and Shahande Amene's study, Comment Blachere Compiled the Qur'ān and Its Relation to the Assignment of Distorting the Quran (Reviews and Criticism), provides refutations to Régis Blachère's claim of the distortion of the Qur'ān and the missing of its recording during the era of the Prophet and his companions. Orientalist inquiries into the Gracious Qur'ān have spanned linguistic, historical, and interpretational realms. Nonetheless, this article mainly confines its scope to provide a thorough examination of the concept of waḥy within the context of orientalist scholarship and translations, aiming to reach an accurate understanding of the exact meaning of the concept of waḥy through the lens of influential orientalists during the 19th and 20th centuries.
The analytical approach is employed to examine the orientalists interpretations of the concept of waḥy in the context of their broader understanding of the Qur'ān. By conducting a textual and contextual analysis of specific verses that mention waḥy in the Qur'ān, this method assesses the orientalists' literal accuracy, theological insights, and interpretative strategies. Additionally, it uncovers potential alterations, omissions, or shifts in their translations of the Arabic term waḥy while evaluating the proposed word choices and equivalents. The critical method complements this by evaluating the orientalists' perspectives on the role of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) as the receiver of waḥy and effectively countering claims of his authorship of the Qur'ān.
The term Istishrāq (Orientalism) is derived from the Arabic word 'Sharq' which means 'the rising of the sun.'9 Geographically, it signifies the East or people from the eastern regions, while ethnologically, it refers to the people inhibiting those areas.10 Consequently, orientalism encompasses the scholarly interest of Western academics in studying the Eastern world.11 Furthermore, it encapsulates an East-West encounter representing the Western views and it also interprets the Orient through its own cultural framework.12
Edward Said defines an orientalist as any individual engaged in teaching, writing, or researching about the Orient. It includes the fields such as anthropology, sociology, history, and philology, addressing both specific and general aspects of the subject. 13 The scope of orientalist research extends into various Islamic studies, offering insights across diverse disciplines of Islamic sciences such as the Qur'ānic interpretation, Sunnah, Islamic history, Theology, Arabic language, and Literature. Additionally, the discourse covers scientific, historical, philological, social, economic, and political exploration of Muslim life. With a particular focus on Eastern culture, heritage, civilization, and languages of the East. In an examination of orientalism and its objectives, Guweidi views it as an extensive study of the conditions of Eastern peoples, their beliefs, customs, civilization of Eastern, especially Muslim societies.14
The global rise of Islam caught the attention of Western and European orientalists, leading them to delve into the study of Islamic beliefs and practices. Some of them have been far fair and objective in their research, writings and perspectives on Islam and the Qur'ān. Their scholarly endeavors center on illuminating aspects of Eastern and Islamic civilization, with a particular emphasis on uncovering the history of various domains of Muslim sciences that thrived during the golden age of Islamic civilization. Their contributions helped to foster a better understanding of Islam in the West.15 This trend of orientalism was commonly noticed in mid-19th century.16 However, another group of orientalists took a more critical approach, scrutinizing the beliefs of Muslims and questioning the Prophethood of Muhammad. These scholars often promoted Western ideals and secular laws as superior to Islamic Shari'ah. Consequently, their translations of the Gracious Qur'ān and related concepts have engendered confusion and misconceptions about the authenticity of the Qur'ān.
According to Muslims' belief, Qur'ān is a divine scripture immune to falsehood, revealed by the All-Knowing and Praiseworthy.17 The significance of wahy in Islam exists in its status as the foundation of both Muslims' belief and Islamic Sharī'ah. Through wahy, humans can better understand about their creator and the mysteries of the unseen world. Furthermore, wahy is an evident proof of the Prophethood of Muhammad and the authenticity of Islam. Obviously, questioning wahy might cause uncertainty in a Muslim's belief, making it important to delve deeper into its meaning.
In linguistic terms, waḥy signifies inspiration or communication through subtle signals.18 Wahy, in its broader sense, is not limited to prophets; it can occur in various entities.19 For example, it is mentioned in the Qur'ān concerning Moses' mother,20 the disciples of Jesus,21 bees,22 and even the earth.23 Moreover, waḥy also signifies signaling, as highlighted in the account of Prophet Zakaria,24who signaled (Awḥa) to his people to glorify Allah in the morning and evening.25
In the technical understanding of Islam, waḥy refers to the process by which God communicates divine revelation to His Prophets. This concept is primarily reflected in the Qur'ān and the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad.26 The methods of delivering waḥy were diverse,27 encompassing direct communication from God to a Prophet, speaking from behind a veil,28 and even through dreams, as experienced by Prophet Muhammad.29 In fact, 'Aisha (RAA) narrated that the Prophet's first experience of divine inspiration came through vivid dreams, which materialized as clearly as bright daylight.30 Furthermore, another significant method of conveying waḥy involved the angel Gabriel31, who delivered the Qur'ān to the Prophet Muhammad over the course of 23 years, word by word.32
The Qur'ān contains various terms that align closely with the concept of waḥy. Expressions such as Tanzīl (the revelation), 'Anzalna (sent down), Natlu (recite), Naqussu (narrate), Nulqī (deliver), Waṣṣalna (conveyed) and various others consistently affirm, within their respective contexts, that what was bestowed upon Prophet Muhammad was indeed waḥy—an authentic divine revelation from God.33 This clarification serves to dispel any misinterpretation or suggestion that might propose the revelation to be merely an inspiration or imaginary vision, as occasionally suggested by orientalist perspectives.
In his influential work, Islamic Revelation, Montgomery Watt elucidated waḥy as a divine mechanism through which the Creator communicates with humanity, evoking responses and actions from individuals.34 However, Watt's definition differs from the Muslim perspective on waḥy, as he implies that wahy emerges from the inner thoughts of an inspired person. In Islam, waḥy is inseparable from the concept of divine communication, emphasizing the deeper nuances that shape its understanding.35
The Qur'ān extensively discusses the concept of waḥy, with specific emphasis found in Chapters such as An-Najm36and Al-Takwīr37 highlighting its significance as divine communication to Prophet Muhammad (SAW). However, some orientalists have sparked controversy by arguing that waḥy is simply an outcome of Muhammad's intellectual faculties. Those orientalists have often misread and mistranslated the concept to align with their preconceived ideas. 38 An in-depth exploration of the translations and interpretations of waḥy by prominent orientalists during the 19th -20th centuries is warranted. In this section, orientalists with similar thematic perspectives are grouped together to focus on the recurrence of their assertions and to assess how they have translated verses concerning waḥy. This critical approach aims to highlight the diverse interpretations and the possible influence of bias in their understanding of this central Islamic concept.
In his influential work, History of the Qur'ān, Theodore Noldeke asserted that waḥy is a compilation of disconnected facts and ideas, largely derived from Judeo-Christian influences. He additionally worked on reorganizing the Qur'ān chronologically, an approach contradicting the Islamic belief in the divine order of the Qur'ān.42 Nöldeke's analysis of wahy was shaped by his critical stance on Islam, employing textual criticism to scrutinize the Qur'ān. His comparison of the Qur'ānic concept of wahy with those in Judaism and Christianity reflects his methodology of using comparative religious framework, challenging the traditional Islamic understanding of wahy. Similarly, William Muir, in his renowned book, The Life of Mahomet, tried to restructure the Qur'ān chronologically and denied the revelation of waḥy upon the Prophet Muhammad in the Cave of Hera. He suggested that the Prophet sought refuge in the Cave to alleviate his depression and pursue his ambitions. As a result of his meditation and reflection in the cave, Muhammad came out with his ideas of one God and Resurrection Day and expressed them in fragments of poetry and soliloquy. He then persuaded himself that his thoughts were from God.43
Muir's assertion represents a glaring contradiction, distorting the facts, accounts and reports documented in Islam concerning waḥy. Moreover, Muir's claims starkly contrast with Islamic tradition, which holds that the Prophet Muhammad could not have fabricated the Qur'ān or change a single letter of it or even violate the divine guidance and attribute something wrongly to Allah. This is explicitly evident by verses in the Qur'ān where Allah says: "And who is more unjust than one who invents about Allah a lie or denies His verses? Indeed, the wrongdoers will not succeed."44 And says: "And when Our verses are recited to them as clear evidences, those who do not expect the meeting with Us say, "Bring us a Qur'ān other than this or change it." Say, O Muhammad, "It is not for me to change it on my own accord. I only follow what is revealed to me. Indeed, I fear, if I should disobey my Lord, the punishment of a tremendous Day."45
In the preface of his masterpiece, 'The Koran: Translated from the Arabic, the Suras Arranged in Chronological Order, with Notes and Index,' John Medows Rodwell discusses the historical context of the Qur'ān, suggesting a tactical approach for Christian missionaries in their dialogue with Muslims. He recommends steering away from outright criticism and instead proposing an argument that highlights Islam as containing fragments of truth, albeit in a disjointed manner. Rodwell advocates emphasizing the influence of Christianity and Judaism, particularly the latter, in the formation of Islam, while underscoring the belief that these religions foreshadow Christianity as the ultimate dispensation.46The commentary of Rodwell mirrors the perspectives of Muir and Nöldeke on waḥy. He claimed the influence of Judaism and Christianity on Muhammad's authorship of the Qur'ān. The title of his translation, reveals his intention as he arranged the Suras (chapters) of the Qur'ān chronologically to confuse the English readers about the Qur'ān. He ignored the crucial historical fact that the Qur'ān was revealed in response to the immediate needs and circumstances of Muslim community, providing them with relevant guidance and laws.47
According to Richard Bell, the term "waḥy" should not be viewed as the simple verbal communication of the Qur'ān's text but rather as a form of suggestion, prompting, or inspiration given on to the Prophet Muhammad for practical guidance.50
Bell argued that words such as 'suggest,' 'prompt', or 'place in the heart of' more accurately capture the essence of "waḥy" than the commonly used term 'reveal.' In his 1937 translation titled "The Qur'ān: Translated with a Critical Rearrangement of the Surahs," Bell contended that the Arabic term "yanṭiqu"51, signifying that the Prophet Muhammad never spoke independently, is an absolute expression unrelated to "waḥy"."52
Moreover, Bell speculated that the term "Qur'ān" itself could be traced back to the Syriac word "qeryana", and claimed that Prophet Muhammad drew inspiration from his readings of Christian scriptures and Jewish sources. Additionally, Bell's translation of the word "awḥa" as "suggestion" or "prompting" came from his view that the Qur'ān's content arose in the Prophet's mind from external sources.53 To support this perspective, Bell added the word "there" in his translation of Surat An-Najm, verse no. 5 to read, "There taught him one strong in power."54
Notably, this inserted word "there" lacks a corresponding counterpart in the original Arabic text. This particular choice of translation aimed at reinforcing his argument against the connection between Prophet Muhammad and Gabriel. Absolutely, from Muslim perspective, the accurate translation is "none other than an angel, one of potent power, has taught it to him" explicitly referring to the angel Gabriel.55 Bell's approach to translating waḥy as 'suggestion' reflects his reliance on a historical-critical method common in biblical studies of his time. This method, while innovative in its application to the Qur'ān, failed to fully engage with the Islamic exegetical tradition, leading to misinterpretations of such key concepts of the Qur'ān as wahy.
In his translation of Surat An-Najm, verse no.11, Bell rendered it as "the heart did not falsify what it saw," notably replacing the pronoun "he" with "it." 56This deliberate substitution appears to support his argument against a physical meeting between Prophet Muhammad and the angel Gabriel. By interpreting the event as a mental vision rather than a concrete encounter, Bell aimed to deny any direct, physical interaction between the Prophet and the angel Gabriel. His misinterpretations of waḥy and its related terms were in line with his assumption that Prophet Muhammad began composing the Qur'ān after a vision of the Archangel. Furthermore, he dismissed authenticated hadiths that affirm the descent of waḥy upon the Prophet Muhammad and his frequent interactions with the angel Gabriel.
In his commentary on Surat An-Najm, (verses 5-10), Bell suggested that Prophet Muhammad initially claimed to have seen God but later corrected this assertion by saying that it was the angel, Gabriel.57 This view directly contradicts the Qur'ān and the Sunnah of the Prophet, which affirm that Gabriel conveyed waḥy to the Prophet from the very beginning of his mission. Additionally, the Qur'ān mentions waḥy approximately forty times, consistently referring to it as Allah's divine revelation conveyed through the angel Gabriel.
In his 1955 translation, The Koran Interpreted, published by Oxford University Press, Arberry integrated theological terminology from other faiths into his translation of waḥy.58 He rendered Ruḥ Al-Quds, meaning Gabriel who brought the waḥy, to read: "Say: The Holy Spirit sent it down from thy Lord."59Additionally, Arberry translated Al-Nabi Al-'Ummiy60 as"the Prophet of the common folk,"61 although, the precise translation is the "unlettered Prophet."62 Arberry's work influenced the study of Arab culture from the late 19th century through World War II.63
According to Watt, waḥy is essentially an internal communication or perhaps an intellectual insight.65 In his masterpiece, Muhammad at Mecca, Watt reflected Bell's method in translating Surat An-Najm, verse no. 4, interpreting 'waḥy' as "suggestion". His translation reads: "it is nothing but a suggestion suggested."66 Similarly, Watt translated Surat An-Najm, verse no. 11 as "the heart did not falsify what it saw," replacing "he" with "it." This substitution supports Watt's theory that Prophet Muhammad's encounter with the angel Gabriel was spiritual vision rather than physical event.67 Watt also brought psychological interpretations into his analysis of wahy, portraying it as a psychological phenomenon. He considered the Prophet's stay in the cave of Hira where he received his initial revelations of waḥy, as merely a recreational outing and a retreat from the sweltering climate of Mecca.68 Watt translated the word Iqra', the initial word of waḥy recorded in the chapter of Al-'Alaq, verse no.1, to read "recite from memory what has been communicated to you supernaturally."69
Furthermore, he translated Al-Muddathir70 as "O man who is obscure and of no reputation."71 This translation aligns with the derogatory treatment the Meccan pagans inflicted upon the Prophet (SAW) as he conveyed the truth to them. Watt's translations to the verses in the chapters of Al-'Alaq and Al-Muddathir deviate from the traditional Islamic views outlined in the Qur'ān and Hadiths, which unequivocally affirm the descend of waḥy upon the Prophet.
According to Watt, "Namūs" is synonymous with waḥy. He suggested that Namus signified that the revelation given to the Prophet Muhammad was on par with or related to the Jewish or Christian scriptures. Additionally, Watt argued that the Qur'ānic waḥy mirrored the inspirations and divine messages conveyed to the Christian prophets and saints, which were then recorded in writing.72
Watt dismissed the idea of God's direct communication with Prophet Muhammad from beyond a veil, translating 'waḥy' in the chapter of Ash-shūrā, verse no. 51-52, as merely an inspiration and suggestion in the Prophet's mind.73 He overlooked the explicit meaning of the verse and introduced the phrase: "words are heard and that therefore this in an imaginative locution or even exterior locution."74 Additionally, Watt claimed that the angel Gabriel is not mentioned in the verse, arguing that the angel Gabriel was only named during the Medinan period. He further suggested that Muslims' retroactively imposed later conceptions onto earlier periods. Consequently, he regarded the manner of waḥy as merely an imaginative locution.75 He also speculated that Muhammad might have reorganized or altered the content of the revelations when necessary for amendments.76He also speculated that Muhammad might have reorganized or altered the content of the revelations when necessary. In the view of Muslims, Watt's translation of the word 'yuḥiya' in 42:51 to mean a suggestion and inspiration was deemed inaccurate. Pickthal, Yusuf Ali and Muhsin Khan argue that the correct translation is "He sends a messenger (i.e., angel Gabriel) to reveal." In his book, The Qur'ān and The Orientalists: An Examination of Their Main Theories and Assumptions, Muhammad Mohar Ali asserted that the orientalist perspective regarding waḥy as a human production of Muhammad is an endeavor to assail the Qur'ān.77
Watt supported his interpretation by discussing Ash-shuʿarā, verse no. 193, which confirms the Gabriel's descent upon the Prophet. He argued that the Spirit conveyed the message to Muhammad's heart and mind, not through direct speech, but possibly through an internal, intellectual process. He also commented on the Hadith of Al-Hārith Ibn Hishām, illustrating Gabriel's descend upon the Prophet through ṣalṣalt al-Jaras (reverberation of the bell), suggesting that it amounted to nothing more than an intellectual expression.78According to the Muslim perspective, the "trustworthy spirit" mentioned in the chapter of Ash-shuʿarā, verse no. 193 is understood to be the angel who delivered the revelation to the Prophet, a concept synonymous with the intended meaning of "Rasul Kareem"79 (Noble Messenger) as described in the Qur'ān.80
Regis Blachere, a prominent French Orientalist renowned for his dedicated study of the text and history of the Qur'ān, inserted the verse of Gharāniq in his 1949 translation of Surat An-Najm of the Qur'ān, "Le Coran.". The Gharāniq verse is often mistakenly thought to have been unconsciously recited by the Prophet Muhammad during the revelation of Surat An-Najm, supposedly with Satan's interference. The polytheists rejoiced as their Gods were acknowledged and praised within this Qur'ānic verse. Gharāniq refers to the idols worshiped in Mecca prior to Islam, which the Polytheists believed could intercede for them.82 Blachere's inclusion of the verse is not supported by scholarly evidence and contradicts the belief in the Prophet's infallibility in conveying God's message.83Many Muslim thinkers and scholars disapprove the validity and the existence of the Gharāniq narrative.84
Blachere speculated that large portions of the Qur'ān could have been lost because the Prophet Muhammad failed to remember them due to the intense fear, he felt at the time of his first revelation. As a result, he claimed that these portions went disregarded and unwritten by his companions.85 Even though Blachere gave recognition to the process of waḥy, he suggested that neither Prophet Muhammad nor his companions were focused on recording the Qur'ān. Blachere obviously disregarded the fact that the fears experienced by the Prophet Muhammad during his first encounter with Gabriel and receiving the waḥy didn't impede his remarkable ability to memorize the verses conveyed by the angel. Furthermore, the Prophet Muhammad promptly recalled the verses and recited them to his wife Khadijah after leaving the cave of Hira, and his companions diligently memorized and recorded the verses as he instructed. The Qur'ān was written down in both Mecca and Medina with the direct guidance of Prophet Muhammad.86
In Sacred Book of the East, Edward Palmer criticized the language of the Qur'ān as being coarse and lacking literary elegance.87 His translation aimed to portray the Qur'ān as merely a rhymed text, neglecting its divine miraculous nature. Although he rendered the concept of "wahy" as "revelation" in a literal sense, avoiding theological implications, his translation errors revealed his insufficient knowledge of Arabic language and its idiomatic expressions. Moreover, he deprived himself to grasp the cultural and religious background of the Qur'ānic text.88
Qrientalists from the 19th and 20th centuries took a similar approach in translating the concept of waḥy, often casting doubt on the Qur'ān's divine origins. They denied the illiteracy of the Prophet which is one of his remarkable attributes in order to support their assertion that the Qur'ān was composed by the Prophet Muhammad and merely plagiarized from the Bible. Their translations lacked accuracy, disregarding the vast scholarship on waḥy found in renowned and authentic references of Tafsīr authored by prominent scholars like Ibn Abbas, Al-Ṭabari,89 Al-Qutubī,90 Al-Nasafī,91 and many others. The prefaces and footnotes of their translations gave the impression that the Qur'ān was an ordinary text composed by a talented poet. It is crucial to emphasize that Imam Al-Suyutī92 and Az-Zarkashī93 extensively addressed this misconception, refuting any suggestion of poetic form or rhyme in the Qur'ānic Text. They emphasized the Qur'ān's linguistic uniqueness and inimitability set it apart from conventional poetic norms.94
Many Western and European readers have been influenced by orientalists' translations of the Qur'ān, which have led to widespread misconception regarding Islam and the waḥy of the Qur'ān. Their translations have reinforced negative attitudes towards Islam, fostering Islamophobia in scholarly and popular discourses. Furthermore, they have hindered readers from understanding the authentic meanings and contexts encapsulated within the Qur'ān. A faithful translation that accurately conveys the Qur'ān's message would attract attention and guide readers to its divine truths, particularly if they come to know that the Prophet Muhammad, who received the revelation, was unlettered, adding to the miraculous nature of the Qur'ān.95
To downplay the miraculous nature of the Qur'ān, orientalists' biased attempts of translations of the concept of waḥy intended to present Islam as a faith plagiarized from earlier Abrahamic traditions. These biased translations underscore the need for accurate Muslim's translations that debunk such claims and preserve the accurate meaning of waḥy. Among the notable Muslim translations of the Twentieth century are: The Meaning of the Glorious Koran: An Explanatory Translation by Muhammad Marmaduke Pickthal, published in 1930; The Holy Qur'ān by Abdallah Yusuf Ali, published in 1934; Explanatory English Translation of the Holy Qur'ān by Muhammad Muhsin Khan and Muhammad Taqi Ul-deen Hilalī, published in 1977; The Bounteous Koran: A Translation of the Meaning & Commentary by Mohammad Khatib, published in 1986; Towards Understanding the ever-Glorious Qur'ān by Muhammad Mahmoud Al-Ghalī, published in 1997; The Qur'ān: A New Translation by Muhammad Abdel Haleem, published in 2004; The Gracious Qur'ān: A Modern Phrased Interpretation in English by Ahmed Zaki Hammad, published in 2007; and The Clear Qur'ān by Mustafa Khattab, published in 2015.
Muslim's translations have been commendable in their efforts to faithfully convey the true essence of the Qur'ān while affirming the authenticity of waḥy, thus confirming its revelation to the Prophet Muhammad. These works consistently emphasize the revelation is not a product of the Prophet Muhammad himself, rather it is originated directly from Allah and is delivered to the Prophet through the Trustee of Revelation. These translations meticulously reference and draw upon reputable sources of Tafsīr (exegesis) and other Islamic sciences, thereby bolstering their credibility and depth of portrayal.
It is crucial to objectively acknowledge that some orientalists included William Lees, Will Durnat, and Lightner Gottlieb, have significantly contributed to foster a deeper understanding of Islamic thought and culture. Their objective discourse of the Qur'ānic concepts and terminologies have conveyed the true essence of Islam in western and European contexts.96While recognizing the challenges posed by some orientalist perspectives, it is important to appreciate the contributions of others in facilitating a more nuanced understanding of Qur'ānic concepts.
Acknowledging the objective accounts from impartial orientalists about the Qur'ān and its notion of waḥy, William Lees stands out prominently. Lees, a modern orientalist, served as the principal of the leading institution of Islamic education in Bengal. He dedicated considerable effort to transform this institution into a hub for Arabic Language and Literature studies.97 Lees provided a constructive view on waḥy, asserting: "In comparison with most of the Arabic works, the style and language of the 'Koran' must certainly be considered not only elegant, but even beautiful. It is highly expressive... Indeed, in parts the language is lofty, and in passages where the majesty and grandeur of the Deity are described, may be said to approach the sublime. It has been universally allowed by Arabs of all ages...to be written with the greatest elegance and in the purest of incomparable language."98
In contrast to the orientalists who denied Prophet Muhammad's illiteracy in a bid to support the idea that waḥy was Muhammad's self-creation, Will Durant, an American orientalist, took a more affirmative approach. He stated that there is no evidence indicating that anyone ever instructed Muhammad in reading or writing. Furthermore, Muhammad himself was not known to have written anything. However, this did not prevent him from developing a deep understanding of human management, a trait that is seldom seen even in the highly educated individuals.99 Similarly, Thomas Carlyle, a Scottish orientalist, reiterated this perspective by stating that it is essential to remember that Muhammad had no formal education and even the concept of writing had only recently emerged in Arabia. Consequently, it appears highly plausible that Muhammad never acquired the writing skills.100
Similarly, Lightner Gottlieb, a British orientalist, maintained an objective and impartial view that supports the authenticity of waḥy. Reflecting on the chapter of 'Abasa (80:1-10), he noted that when God revealed to the Prophet, reproaching him for neglecting a poor blind man to speak to a wealthy nobleman, this revelation was made public. If Muhammad, as falsely alleged, had authored such verses, they likely would not have been included.101 Furthermore, Lightner rejected the notion that the waḥy was merely borrowed from Torah and Gospels. Based on his understanding of Judaism and Christianity, he emphasized that what Muhammad received was not a mere adaptation but a divine revelation.102
From an objective standpoint, William Muir's rejection of the false notion that Prophet Muhammad experienced epileptic seizures during the reception of waḥy. He clearly demonstrated that the symptoms of epilepsy are different from the experiences Muhammad had at the time of waḥy. Furthermore, scientific evidence supports this distinction, as individuals with epilepsy typically cannot recall any events that happen during seizure episodes. In contrast, Prophet Muhammad consistently conveyed and instructed his companions regarding everything he received from Gabriel. Muir emphasized that it is implausible for someone experiencing epilepsy to exhibit the level of wisdom and guidance exhibited by Muhammad.103
Theodore Nöldeke, like many orientalists, rearranged the chapters of the Qur'ān into a chronological order. However, shortly before his death, he expressed regret for dedicating significant time to what he later deemed an irrelevant endeavor.104 Muslim scholars argue that any orientalist endeavor to rearrange the chapters of the Qur'ān either chronologically or thematically has been unsuccessful, emphasizing that the order of Qur'ānic chapters is divinely ordained by Allah alone and cannot be altered by any human effort.
Furthermore, Nöldeke disputed the claims made by the orientalist G. Weil, particularly in his denial of the waḥy of the verses 21:35, 29:30 & 39:30 which address the Prophet Muhammad's death. Weil argued that the reactions and astonishment of figures like Omar Bin Al-Khaṭṭāb and other companions at the time of the Prophet's demise indicated that these verses were neither recited nor heard from him. He suggested that these verses were later inserted into the Qur'ān by Abu Bakr after the Prophet's death to persuade Omar and others to accept the reality of Muhammad's demise. Noldeke illustrated that Weil's assumption lacks logical coherence and contradicts the well-established facts regarding Muhammad's life. Muhammad openly informed his companions of his certain mortality."105 This notable change in Noldeke's perspective might explain his failure to adhere to a solid scientific methodology in his translation of the Qur'ān.
To summarize, it is significant to observe that certain orientalists have offered impartial and objective insights, translations, and writings regarding the concept of waḥy (divine revelation) and the Qur'ān as a whole. These scholars have arrived at accurate conclusions regarding waḥy by drawing upon reliable Islamic reports. They have actively rejected the hostile attitudes of earlier orientalists toward Islam. It is noteworthy that such scholarly contributions, marked by their unbiased views on the Qur'ān and the Prophet of Islam, can serve to strengthen communication and foster cultural ties between the East and the West.
Orientalism, as an academic discipline, gained prominence in the 19th and 20th centuries, leading to numerous publications and translations regarding the Qur'ān and the concept of waḥy. Despite these endeavors, no translation has been able to capture the absolute perfection and inimitability of the original Arabic text and intent of the Qur'ān.
The Gracious Qur'ān cannot be accurately translated word by word or be replicated in another language. Apart from Arberry's translation of the Qur'ān, titled "The Koran Interpreted," many orientalists' translations of that era often carried titles such as "Translation of Qur'ān" or "Mohammadian Koran." Notably, these translations with their titles and introductions indicate a translation philosophy that favors literal interpretations. They often ignore the complex morphological and phonological intricacies of the Arabic text, opting instead to rely on citations from their peers' translations and neglecting the original Qur'ānic text. Thus, they disregard reliable, authentic, and scholarly Islamic resources.
The orientalists' translations of the 19th and 20th century have posed challenges on the authenticity and divinity of the Qur'ān. In translating the Qur'ānic concept of wahy, they argue that the Qur'ān is entirely the creation of Prophet Muhammad, fostering this perspective based on three key foundations: First, they challenge the historical fact that the Prophet Muhammad was an unlettered person. This significant characteristic of the Prophet is sufficient to refute the orientalists' claims on the authorship of Prophet Muhammad to the Qur'ān. Moreover, it would be exceedingly difficult for an unlettered person to plagiarize form the Jewish and Christian scriptures, and in less than a century and half, his religion would surpass Judaism and Christianity in influence. Second, they portray the Prophet Muḥammad as merely a reformer, denying any link to the angel Gabriel. Third, they assume that the Prophet experienced epilepsy.
Broadly speaking, the orientalists' perspectives on waḥy have often involved a strategy of inextricable intertwining literal translations with Qur'ān's interpretation; which are two distinct different sciences. Hence, they persistently disconnected the concept of waḥy from its divine significance to support their erroneous claim that waḥy is just a fabrication of Prophet Muḥammad and nothing more than a rehearsal of Judeo-Christian sources. "And they say, "Legends of the former peoples which he has written down, and they are dictated to him morning and afternoon."106
However, there has been a notable shift in Orientalism from mere criticism of Islam to scholarly inquiry. Objectively, some orientalists of the 19th and 20th century fostered sound and impartial perspectives on the waḥy of the Qur'ān. Their profound and scholarly study of the Qur'ān and its history from its reliable resources have considerably influenced their perception of Islam and the veracity of the Qur'ān. These scholarly resources are very crucial for accurately grasping understanding of Qur'ānic concepts such as "waḥy" (revelation). Thus, if orientalists' translations of Qur'ān and its concepts are objectively and scholarly well addressed, have the potential to contribute in developing cultural bridges, clearing wrong misconceptions about Islam and fostering interfaith harmony at a global level.'
The author of the manuscript has no financial or non-financial conflict of interest in the subject matter or materials discussed in this manuscript.
The data associated with this study will be provided by the corresponding author upon request.
This research did not receive a grant from any funding source or age
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1Mohammad Al-Khawaldi, "The Deterioration of the Usage of in K'anna' the Holy Qur'ān via Translation," Babel 50, no. 3 (2004): 215–229.
2Abu Bakr Al-Jurjānī, Evidences of Inimitability of Meanings of the Qur'ān (Cairo: Dar Al-Madānī, 1992), 344.
3Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 2.
4Ibid., 87.
5Muhammad Mohar Ali, The Qur'ān and the Orientalists: An Examination of Their Main Theories and Assumptions. (Ipswich: Jam'iyat Ihyā' Minhāj al-Sunnah, 2004), 7–8.
6Richard Bell, "Mohammed's Call," The Moslem World 24, no. 1 (1934): 13–19.
7Muhammad Mohar Ali, The Qur'an and the Orientalists, 3.
8Wadhah Amer Abdel Baqi, "Qur'ānic Readings, Orientalists' Suspicions, and Scholars' Responses to Them (collectively and in order)," KnE Social Sciences 8, no 6 (2023): 551–563.
9Muhammad Ibn Manzūr, Lisān al-Arab (The Tongue of the Arab), vol. 10 (Beirut: Dār Sāder, 1990), 173.
10Alwi Shihab, Inclusive Islam Towards an Open Attitude in Religion (Bandung: Mizan, 1990), 41.
11Rudi Paret, The Study of Arabic and Islam at German Universities: German Orientalists Since Theodor Noldeke (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1968), 11–12.
12Hassan Hanafy, Muqadimah Fī 'Ilm Al-Istighrāb (Introduction to the Science of Occidentalism) (Cairo: Al-Dār Al-Faniyah, 1991), 29.
13Edward Said, Orientalism, 2.
14Masar Saadi, "Orientalists and Their Role in Arabic Literature," Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education 12, no. 1 (2021): 668.
15Ismail Omairah, The Historical Roots of Oriental Phenomenon (Oman: Dār Ḥazeen, 1992), 60.
16Rudi Paret, The Study of Arabic and Islam at German Universities: German Orientalists Since Theodor Noldeke.
17Reda Abdelgalil, "The Philosophy of Creativity, Innovation, and Technology from an Islamic Perspective," Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 13, no. 1 (2023): 228–244.
18Muhammad Ibn Manzūr, Lisān al-Arab, vol. 15, 379.
19Toshihiko Izutsu, God and Man in The Koran (New York: Arno Books for libraries, 1980),153.
20Al-Qaṣaṣ 28:7.
21Al-Māidah 5:111.
22Al-Naḥl 16:68.
23Al-zalzalah 99:5.
24Sitar Al-'Araj, Waḥy and Its Implications in Qur'ān and Islamic Thought (Beirut: Dār Al-Kutub Al-'Ilmiyyah, 2001), 141.
25Maryam, 19:11.
26Subhī Al-Sāleh, Mabāḥeth Fī 'Iloom Al-Qur'ān (Studies in the Science of the Qur'an) (Beirut: Dār Al-'Ilm, 1977), 22.
27Al-Shūrā 42:51.
28Sitar Al-'Araj, Waḥy and Its Implications in Qur'ān and Islamic Thought, 151.
29Al-ṣāfāt 37:102.
30Muhammad Ibn Ismail Al-Bukharī, Sahīh Al-Bukharī, vol. 1 (Beirut: Dār Al-Fikr, 1986), 6.
31Al-Shuʿarā 26:193–194.
32Sitar Al-'Araj, Waḥy and Its Implications in Qur'an and Islamic Thought, 142.
33Stefan Wild, We have Sent Down to Thee the Book with the Truth…' Spatial and Temporal Implications of the Qur'anic Concepts of Nuzūl, Tanzīl, and Inzāl In The Qur'ān as Text (Brill, Leiden, 1996), 146.
34William Montgomery Watt, Islamic Revelation in the Modern World (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969), 6.
35Abd Allatīf Al-Subkī, Al-Waḥy 'Ilā Al-Nabi Muḥammad (Revelation to the Prophet Muhammad) (Cairo: Maṭbu'āt Al-Majlis Al-'Alah Li Al-Shu'awn Al-Islāmiya, n.d.), 83–84.
36Al-Najm 2-10.
37Al-Takwīr 19-27.
38Muhmmad Ali, The Qur'an and The Orientalists: An Examination of Their Main Theories and Assumptions (Jam'iat 'Ihyaā' Minhaaj Al-Sunnah, 2004), 103.
39Theodore Noldeke is a German Orientalist. He studies various languages while giving a high focus on Semitic languages. His studies and research were largely relevant to the history of Qur'an. His writings on the history of the Qur'an were an indispensable reference for all research of the Qur'an in West. See: Ahmad Syukron, and Nikmatul Khairiyah, "Chronology of the Qur'ān According to Theodor Nöldeke and Sir William Muir (Analysis of the History of the Qur'ān and Life of Mahomet)," Budapest International Research and Critics Institute-Journal 5, no. 2 (2022), 16646.
40William Muir was a Scottish historian and orientalist. He published several works in the field of history of Islam. One of his major works was Life of Mahomet and The Coran: Its Composition and Teaching and The Mohammedan Conversely which made him a popular historian on studies of Islam in the west. See: CJ. Lyall, Obituary Notices of Sir William Muir, Journal of The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1905), 874–876.
41John Meadow Rodwell, a British Orientalist, made significant contributions in the field of translation, translating many works from Hebrew, as well as materials from Ethiopic and Coptic Liturgies. Notably, in 1861, he published a groundbreaking translation of the Qur'an, wherein he organized its suras into a chronological sequence. See: Muhammad Sultan Shah, "A Critical Study of Rodwell's Translation of the Qur'an," Pakistan Journal of Islamic Research 12 (2013): 53–66.
42Ibn Warrāq, The Origins of the Koran Classic Essays on Islam's Holy Book (New York: Prometheus Books, 1988), 59.
43William Muir, Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Hegira (London: Elder Smith & Co., 2002), 35.
44Al-Anʿām 6:21.
45Yūnus 10: 15.
46John Rodwell, The Koran (London: Williams and Norgate, 1861), preface, xxv.
47Farid Esack, Qur'ān, Liberation and Pluralism: An Islamic Perspective of Interreligious Solidarity Against Oppression (Oxford: Oneworld, 1997), 54.
48Richard Bell was a Scottish orientalist. He obtained his PhD in divinity. He paid a high level of concern to the studies and translations of Qur'an. The first edition of Bell's translation was published in 1937 under the title of "The Qur'an Translated with A Critical Rearrangement of Suras." Then his translation appeared in six more editions. The last of them was published in 1991 with a new title "A Commentary on the Qur'ān." Mahmoud Elnemr, "The Ideology and Translations of the Quran by the Orientalists: A Comparative Study of Richard Bells Translation," Global Journal of Human-Social Science 20, no. 20 (2020):1–15.
49Arberry was an English orientalist who held the chair of Arabic at Cambridge College starting in 1947. He devoted his academic career to the comprehensive study of the Islamic world. See: Richard Owen Watkin, Arthur John Arberry: A Critical Evaluation of an Orientalist (University of Wales Trinity, 2020), iv.
50Richard Bell, "Mohammed's Call," The Moslem World 24, no. 1 (1934): 13–19.
51Al-Najm 53:3.
52Richard Bell, "Mohammed's visions," Journal of The Moslem World 24, no. 2 (1934):145–154.
53Richard Bell, The Origin of Islam in Its Christian Environment (Routledge, 1968), 147.
54Richard Bell, "Mohammed's Call," 13–19.
55Ahmad Hammad, The Gracious Qur'ān: A Modern-Phrased Interpretation in English (USA: Lucent Interpretations, LLC, 2009), 924.
56Ibid., 925.
57Muhmmad Ali, The Qur'ān and The Orientalists: An Examination of Their Main Theories and Assumptions. (Jam'iat 'Ihyaā' Minhaaj Al-Sunnah, 2004), 130.
58A. R. Nykl, "Notes on E. H. Palmer's The Qur'ān," Journal of the American Oriental Society 56, no. 1 (1936): 77–84.
59Al-Naḥl 16:102.
60Al-Aʿrāf 7:157.
61Arthur John Arberry, The Koran Interpreted (Oxford University Press, 1983), 270.
62Ahmad Hammad, The Gracious Qur'ān: A Modern-Phrased Interpretation in English, 424.
63Richard Owen Watkin, Arthur John Arberry: A Critical Evaluation of an Orientalist (University of Wales Trinity, 2020), 19.
64William Montgomery Watt was a Scottish orientalist and historian. He was the chairman of the English Society for Oriental Studies. A great deal of his publications gave focus to the study of Islam and Muslim societies. One of his popular publications is Muhammad at Macca. See: Ali Pajaziti, "Orientalist Sociology: W. M. Watt's Concept of History and Religion," Journal of Balkan Studies 1, No. 2 (2021): 69.
65Watt, William Montgomery, Muhammad at Mecca (Oxford: Clarendon, 1960), 55.
66Ibid., 42.
67Ibid., 43.
68Ibid., 44.
69Ibid., 47.
70Al-Muddathir 74:1.
71Ibid., 49.
72Reuben Levy, "Review: Muhammad at Macca," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 1, no. 2 (1962): 86–87.
73Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, 54.
74Ibid., 56.
75Ibid., 57.
76Ibid., 58.
77Ali, Muhammad Mohar, The Qur'ān and The Orientalists: An Examination of Their Main Theories and Assumptions. 99.
78William Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, 55.
79Muhammad A. S. Abdel Haleem, The Qur'ān: A New Translation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 237.
80Al-Hāqah 69:40 and Al-Takwīr 81:19.
81Edward Henry Palmer, an English Orientalist, dedicated his scholarly endeavors to the study of Arabic and Islamic Literature. Unlike John Rodwell, Palmer chose not to arrange the Qur'an chronologically but rather adhered to its traditional order. In 1880, he released his translation of the Qur'an accompanied by an introduction that delved into the life of Prophet Muhammad. See: R. L. Bidwell, "Edward Henry Palmer (1840-1882)," British Society for Middle Eastern Studies 13, No. 1 (1986): 45–50.
82Maḥmud b. Umar Al-Zamakhshari, Al-Fā'iq Fi Gharīb al-Hadīth (The Outstanding Reference in the Strange Hadith) (Beirut: Dar Dar Al-Koto Al-ilmiyah, n.d.).
83Nurun Najmatul Ulya, "Telaah Terhadap Interpretasi Nicolai Sinai Dalam an Interpretation of Surah Al-Najm (QS. 53)," (A Study of Nicolai Sinai's Interpretation in an Interpretation of Surah Al-Najm (QS. 53)," Al-Dzikra: Jurnal Studi Ilmu al-Qur'an Dan al-Hadits 14, no. 2 (2020):179–204.
84Mahmoud Arif, and Mohammad Kurjum, "On Validity of the Gharānīq 'Ḥadīth: Examining the Religious Reason of Exegesis Literatures," Tribakti: Jurnal Pemikiran Keislaman 31, no. 2 (2020): 340–360.
85F. S. Kamara, Dirast Tarjamāt M'ānī Al-Qur'ān Al-Kareem Ilā Al-Lugha Al-Frinsiya (Studies on the Translations of the Meanings of the Gracious Qur'an into French Language), (Nadwat Tarjāmt M'ānī Al-Qur'ān Al-Kareem: Taqweem Li-Al-Maḍi Wa Takhṭiṭ Li Al-Mustaqabal, Majama' Al-Malik Fahd Le-Tib'at Al-Musaḥaf Al-Sharif Bi Al-Madina, 2012).
86Muhammad Abu Layla, Qur'ān from an Orientalists' View (Cairo: Dār Al-Nashr Li-Al Jam'āt, 2002), 374 –376.
87Edward Palmer, The Qur'ān (Oxford University: Clarendon Press, 1880), Introduction, lxxvii.
88Aziz Yowell, and Muftah Lataiwish, Principles of Translation (Benghdazi: University of Qaryounis, 2000), 111.
89Muhammad Ibn Jarīr Al-Tabarī (839-923) was an eminent scholar of his time. He mastered and contributed his knowledge in areas of Qur'anic Sciences, legal theory and Islamic history. In particular, he excelled in in the field of Tasīr (interpretation of the Qur'an). See: Franz Rosenthal, The History of Al-Tabarī (Albany: University of New York Press, 1989), 45–46.
90Abu Abduallah Muhammad bin Ahmed Al-Qurtubī (1214-1273) was one of the greatest interpreters of the Qur'ān in the seventh century of Hijrah. He authored many books in the field of Tafsīr and the most well-known book among them is Al-Tafsīr Al-Jami' Fī Ahkāmi al-Qur'ān (The Exegesis' Compilation of the Rulings of the Qur'an). See: Azamat Zhamashev, "Historical Sciences: Al-Qurtubī, Origin, Teachers snd Scientific Works," Sciences of Europe 90 (2022): 23–27.
91Abu Albarakāt Al-Nasafī (1223-1310) was an eminent scholar in the field of Qur'an interpretation and one of his famous book is Tafsīr Madārik al-Tanzīl wa Haqā'iq al-Ta'wīl (The Occasions of Revelation and the Realities of its Interpretations).
92Jalal al-Din Abul-Fadl Abd al-Rahmān Ibn Abı Bakr Ibn Muhammad al-Suyutī (1445-1505) authored hundreds of works in different areas of knowledge. In particular, he was a well-known scholar in the field of Arabic grammar and Qur'ān interpretation. One of his famous books is Al-Itqān Fī Ulum al-Qur'ān (The Perfection of the Sciences of Qur'ān).
93Abu al-Qasim Mahmud ibn Umar al-Zamakhsharī (1075-1143) was a prominent Muslim scholar in the field of Tafsīr, Arabic language and its literature. One of his well-known books is Al-Kashaāf Fi Tafsīr Al-Qur'ān (the Revealer in the interpretation of Al-Qur'ān).
94Muhammad Al-Zarkashī, Al-Burhān Fī 'Uloom Al-Qur'ān (A Manual of the Qur'anic Sciences) (Cairo: Dār Al-Hadith, 2010), 55. See also: Abdu Al-Rahamān Al-Suyutī, Al-Itqān Fī 'Uloom Al-Qur'ān (The Perfection of the Sciences of Qur'ān) (Beirut: Dār Al-Kotob Al-'ilmiyah, 2003), 104.
95Mahmoud Elnemr, "The Ideology and Translations of the Qur'ān by the Orientalists: A Comparative Study of Richard Bells Translation," Global Journal of Human-Social Science 20, no. 20 (2020): 3.
96Ayşegül Aylin Aytekin, "An Analysis on the Orientalists' Early Studies on the Qur'ān," Kıbrıs Islâm Tetkikleri Merkezi Dergisi 9, no. 1(2023):1–14.
97Muhammad Ali, History of the Muslim of Bengal (Riyadh: Imām Muhammad Islamic University, 1988), Chapter VII.
98Bengal Education Proceedings, House of Commons, Parliamentary Papm, Session II, Paper 186, 20 September, 1855.
99Will Durant, The Story of Civilization, Trans. Muhammad Badrān, Vol.13 (Beirut: Dār Al-Jeel, 1981), 21–22.
100Thomas Carlyle, Heroes (Cairo: Al-Dār Al-Qawmiyah, n.d.), 5.
101Gottlieb Lightner, The Religion of Islām, Trans. Abdelwahāb Seleim (Damascus: Al-Maktabah Al-Salafiyah, H. 1342), 132–133.
102Henry De Castries, Al-Islām Khawāter Wa Sawānih (Islam: Thoughts and Ideas), Trans. Ahmad Fathī Zaghloul (Cairo: Dār Al-Sh'ab, (1911), 6.
103William Muir, Life of Mahomet and History of Islam, 14.
104Omar Lutfī Al-Alem, Orientalists and Qur'ān (Malta: Markaz Dirasāt Al-'Alam Al-Islāmī, 1991), 7.
105Theodor Nöldeke, Geschichte Des Qurans, Trans. History of The Qur'an, Vol. 2 (Germany: Hansebooks, 2016), 82.
106Al-Nūr 25:5.