Introduction

The history of Prophet Muhammad goes beyond that of a religious figure. There are significant political history elements including the establishment of a religious state, warfare, and diplomatic efforts. His political acumen played a significant role in Islam's rapid expansion across Asia, Africa, and Europe. The legacy of the Prophet and his companions continues to inspire contemporary political Islamic movements in their endeavors.

Many studies have explored aspects of the prophet's life, including health, economy, interreligious relations, family dynamics, psychology, legal issues, and social affairs. However, literature focusing on his political journey and activism remains relatively limited. Older studies, like Montgomery Watt's (1961), provide an overall understanding of the political life of the Prophet during the Mecca and Medina eras.¹ On the other hand, Ahmed Afzaal's (2003) study focuses specifically on the relationship between religious and social factors within the Prophet's movement. According to Afzaal, many scholars emphasize that despite Muhammad was never officially declared as a politician, the political framework of his life renders him a political figure.² The most recent exploration of the Prophet's Islamic movement was conducted by Farid bin Masood (2018), which examines the Prophet movement's progression from its initial stages to the establishment of political institutions in Medina. This research also delves into the characteristics of the Prophet's movement, such as his initially passive response towards opposition violence in Mecca era, which then transformed into an active, aggressive, and expansive approach once he successfully established his political institution in Medina.³

The limited research on the Prophet's political movement has left several key elements of his movement underexplored. These aspects include the structural conditions that fostered the movement's growth, the Prophet's mobilization strategies to recruit his followers and gather resources. Furthermore, the political conditions that influenced the Prophet's movement, the ways he tackled political challenges, and the strategies he employed to persuade people to join his movement. This paper will explore the historical struggle of Prophet Muhammad's da'wah through social movement approaches.

This research holds significance because the field of social movements has largely been shaped by Western scientists, focusing on movements within a Western historical and social context. Islamic movements, when studied, are also primarily portrayed through the lens of violence. Moreover, the dominance of secularism in Western science has marginalized the study of religion in connection with social movements. This study is intended to broaden the scope of social movement by examining the Prophet Muhammad's historical movement within the Islamic world. However, as an introductory effort, it employs a basic social movement framework, focusing on specific aspects of the Prophet's movement.

2. Methods

This research is qualitative, using a historical approach to study the da`wah movement history of the Prophet Muhammad through social movement theories. The historical method is chosen because it will help to understand the dynamics of the Prophet's efforts to preach and transform Mecca from an existing Jahiliya tradition to an Islamic society. The current study relies on both primary and secondary data. Primary sources are taken from history books written by scholars related to the life journey of the Prophet Muhammad, as well as the Qur'ān and hadith books relevant to the Prophet's proselytizing promise. Meanwhile, secondary sources are drawn from various journals, books, and articles found in magazines and websites. A content analysis approach is used to analyze the literature and to extract data that is relevant to the research questions and can answer the formulation of the problem.

To analyze the Prophet`s proselytizing (da`wah) history, this article applies several concepts from social movement studies, including the Structural Functional Theory, Resource Mobilization Theory, Political Opportunity Structure Theory, and Framing Theory. These approaches will clarify the structural factors that fostered the prophet`s movement, the political opportunities existing in Arabs, his strategies for gathering resources, and the methods used to spread Islam.

2.1. Structural Functional Theory

This approach outlines the factors that lead to the birth of a movement because of societal imbalance, using the analogy of the human body, which continuously work to create balance. When there is a problem in the body's system, there will be a movement to restore the body's balance. In the same way social institutions work to create balanced conditions through various policies. However, if an imbalance occurs, social movements emerge to carry out recovery and balance. Essentially, social movements are part of a social system that is born to resolve systemic social disruptions.⁴

2.2. Resource Mobilization Theory

This approach highlights the internal dynamics of a movement, focusing on elements like leadership, organizational structures, and strategies for sustaining its existence. This includes efforts in regeneration and fundraising, so that a movement can still exist. Various activities can be carried out by a movement to rally support in public places such as schools, places of worship, recreational areas, and social activities.⁵

2.3. Political Opportunity Structure Theory

This theory explores external factors that shape the dynamics of social movements particularly focusing on the political condition of a country. Jack M. Bloom (2015) explains that the theory of political opportunity structure examines how the state reacts to social movements, whether by suppressing, co-opting, or accommodating their demands.⁶

Dough McAdam (1996) synthesized various perspectives on political opportunity from researchers like Charles Brockett (1991), Kriesi et al. (1992), Dieter Rucht (1996), and Sidney Tarrow (1994), identifying four main elements in political opportunity: the relative openness or closure of the institutionalized political system, the stability or instability of political elites, the presence or absence of elite allies and the state's capacity and inclination toward repression.⁷

2.4. Framing Theory

Framing refers to the collective ideas or representations that allow individuals perceive, interpret, and label events in their lives and the world. Frames guides everyone in understanding the world and dealing with any event. The framing process is divided into three stages: (diagnostic), (prognostic), and (motivational). The diagnostic dimension of framing refers to how group or individual frame an issue as a social problem. The interpretation of a problem varies depending on who interprets it, giving rise to the contestation of interpretation among actors, including social movements, media, and governments. For social movements, "injustice framing frames" is most widely used to create collective action by suggesting that political authorities' actions are unfair. In the diagnostic phase, movements identify both the issue at hand and the actors responsible.⁸

3. Results and Discussion

3.1. Structural Functional Approach

The Prophet Muhammad received his first Islamic revelation during the Jahiliya era in Mecca, Jahiliya is an Islamic term used to describe the moral decay in religion, politics, worship, social practices, economics, and cultural aspects. In terms of faith, the Arabs have changed the concept of monotheism inherited by the Prophet Ibrahim into polytheism by deifying 360 idols in the Kaaba. The idols were named Latta, Uzza, Manat, and Hubal. Nevertheless, the Arabs retained certain beliefs in Allah as the creator. Socially, the Arabs often fought over resources, and the practice of burying female infants was common in those times. Additionally, gambling, intoxication, and slavery were rampant. The life of Jahiliya also existed in the surrounding areas controlled by the Persian and Roman empires. Hence, the revelation that Allah handed down to the Prophet Muhammad was both local and global in dimensions. Islam is a religion of mercy and compassion for all human beings, regardless of race, nation, and religion.⁹

The poor condition of Arab society and the prophet's proselytizing position was illustrated in the conversation between Ja'far Ibn Abi Talib and King Negus at the time when Quraish sent Amr ibn Al-As to repatriate Muslims who requested political asylum to King Negus. Ja'far explained:

O King, we used to be the Jahiliya worshipping idols, eating carrion, committing heinous deeds, breaking kinship ropes, doing bad things to neighbors, and intimidating weak groups. Until finally Allah SWT. Sent an Apostle from our faction. We know his descendants, honesty, and trust, and we take great care of his virtue. He invited us to worship Allah Almighty and asked us to leave behind the idols that were once worshipped, both by our ancestors and us. The Prophet commanded us to be honest, fulfill the mandate, connect kinship, do good to neighbors, and stop doing forbidden deeds and shedding blood. Muhammad also forbade us to commit heinous acts, use false words, eat orphans' property, and accuse women of adultery. Therefore, we justify it and then have faith in Him.¹⁰

The societal conditions of Mecca were ripe fora transformative and revolutionary movement to change every aspect of life, from faith and politics to economics, society, and culture. The mission of change led by the Prophet Muhammad is evident in the Qur'ānic verses that Allah sent down to the Arabs, who invited them to purify their faith, worship only Allah, and abandon their polytheism traditions and immoral practices. The Qur'ān also emphasizes that Prophet Muhammad was sent to deliver warnings and glad tidings to mankind. Additionally, the Prophet himself stated that he was commanded to strive until people believed in Allah, accepted his Prophet-hood, established prayer, and gave zakat. Additionally, the Prophet himself stated that he was commanded to strive until people believed in Allah, accepted his Prophet-hood, established prayer, and gave zakat.

3.2. Resource Mobilization Theory

The Prophet Muhammad, during the Mecca period, employed two distinct proselytizing strategies. The first is proselytizing in secret, and the second is proselytizing by public preaching. When he first received revelations from Allah Almighty, he began by quietly approaching his close circle, including his wife, Khadijah, Ali ibn Abi Talib, Uthman ibn Affan, Abu Bakr as-Siddiq, and Zayd ibn Haritha. In this proselytizing stage, the Prophet personally reached out to invite everyone to Islam. He then set up Arqam ibn Abi al-Arqam home as a centre of spiritual instruction, teaching the Qur'ān and encouraging prayer to strengthen the beliefs of his early followers.

A turning point in the Prophet's preaching campaign occurred when he stood on the hill of Safa and called upon the people of Mecca, asking, "Do you believe me if I tell you that a horse is attacking you in the valley?" Their affirmed their belief, saying that they have never witnessed you engaging in deceitful behavior. The Messenger of Allah solemnly said, "Be aware that I am forewarning you about an exceedingly severe punishment." Subsequently, the Messenger of Allah urged them to embrace faith in Allah. Abu Lahab, the uncle of Muhammad, expressed his disapproval by saying, "Are you gathering us only for this matter? Woe to you, Muhammad!" In Surah al-Lahab, Allah revealed his words to respond to Abu Lahab's behavior. The verse states, "May the hands of Abu Lahab be ruined, and he will perish."¹¹

The Prophet approached his family from the Hashim tribe to embrace Islam by inviting them to a banquet and preached them. He used various strategies to embrace Islam by urging them to give up polytheism. However, in the early days of this proselytizing, the Quraish people's rejection of Islam dominated. Afterward, he openly preached to the people of Mecca to abandon their polytheistic beliefs and embrace Tawhid. The Prophet also critiqued common practices such as idol worship, cheating in business, hoarding wealth, and mistreating orphans. The prophet's companions persistently preached, leading to more people converted to Islam. Meanwhile, the Quraysh rulers, feeling threatened, prepared to suppress the prophet's transformational movement.¹²

Khadijah bint Khuwaylid, the Prophet Muhammad's first wife, was famously a wealthy merchant and a respectable woman in Mecca who was an integral supporter of his early proselytizing. She provided both moral support and material support in proselytizing. An expression describing Khadijah's role in proselytizing, "Islam did not rise except through Ali's sword and Khadijah's wealth." Besides Khadijah, other companions of the prophet, such as Abu Bakr as-Siddiq, Umar ibn al-Khattab, and Uthman ibn Affan, were also known to be generous and actively donated their wealth to spread Islam. The prophet fostered this spirit of generosity in the house of Arqam, where charitable giving was encouraged.¹³

From the perspective of resource mobilization theory, the Prophet became the leader of his da'wah movement by first personally inviting his closest circle to accept Islam, which then expanded to all layers of society, from the enslaved to the wealthy. The Prophet invited all circles, including enslaved people, businessmen, men and women, children, and adults. The Prophet was also supported by the financial strength of his wife Khadijah and his other friends to support his da'wah activities.

3.3. Political Opportunity Structure

Arab politics followed a confederate political system rooted in tribalism, with each tribe participating in the decision-making process. Prophet Muhammad hailed from the Banu Hashim clan, which was respectable because of its traditional role as the custodians of the Kaaba. The prophet's status as a member of the Banu Hashim gave an important position to his da`wah movement and provided political protection to a new, growing Islam with a revolutionary character.

The Prophet Muhammad, before his Prophet-hood, was known among the Quraish community as an honorable person and even called a trusted person as-shadiq and al-Amiin.¹⁴ An event illustrates how Quraish highly respected the prophet when there was a dispute over who had the right to put the hajar aswad (black stone) during the renovation of the Kaaba. The Prophet then appeared, mediated, and resolved the clan members' problems. This happened before he was made a prophet at the age of thirty five.¹⁵

Khadijah, a wealthy widow and influential merchant, recognizing Muhammad's honorable nature, proposed marriage to him. Promoting Khadijah, a wealthy and distinguished merchant in Mecca, is another advantage to the prophet's position in Mecca that will also influence Islamic da`wah. Thus, the various social capitals that the prophet got, in terms of nasab (family lineage), moral recognition, and the promotion of respected merchants, were enough to provide political opportunities for the prophet's movement.

It is proven when the prophet declared Islam on the hill of Safa and asked the people of Quraish: "What do you think if I tell you that in the valley there is a horse that will attack you? Do you believe what I say?". They responded, "Yes, we believe because we have never seen you lie." This exchange demonstrated the prophet's position in Mecca as a distinguished and respected figure.¹⁶

At the beginning of his da`wah, the prophet did not get opposition from the Quraish leaders; even the response that appeared was merely babbling or scorn. However, as the da`wah expanded and attacked the Arab traditions and critics.

Quraish's harsh response to the prophet's proselytizing is understandable. The position of the Kaaba as a center of worship and pilgrimage for Arabs from all directions made Mecca not only a center of worship but also a center of commerce. When the prophet calls for the abandonment of idolatry, the economic potential will automatically be threatened.¹⁷

The Prophet was a distinguished man in Mecca, and the protection he obtained from his uncle Abu Talib always kept his proselytizing activities personally safe. Other clans also did not dare to commit arbitrary acts against the prophet or kill him, fearing that there would be wars between clans among the Quraish. Nonetheless, other Quraish clans carried out crackdowns on members of their clans who became Muslims, including enslaved people who were caught embracing Islam.

Against the prophet, the Quraish officials sought persuasion and offered compensation to the prophet if he wished to stop his activities of criticizing idols—Arab idols—and offering tawhid teachings in society. The Quraish officials also persuaded his uncle, Abu Talib, to stop the prophet from spreading his belief, but the prophet never wanted to stop his movement. In a conversation with his Uncle, Abu Talib, the prophet expressed: "O my uncle, by God, if they put the sun in my right hand and the moon in my left hand on the condition that I leave this path, I will not do it until God makes it a glory, or I die on this road." He then shut up and left the room, shedding tears. His uncle called him back. "Go and say what you want to, for by God, I will never leave you for any reason."¹⁸

Quraish also often persuaded him directly, for example, by sending a messenger named Utbah ibn Rabi'ah, a man of intelligence and good at argument, to come to the prophet and offer the most beautiful position, treasure, leadership, and woman in all of Arabia but, after the prophet recited Some verses of the Qur'ān, Utbah was subdued and unable to continue his attempts at persuasion. Feeling a failure with this persuasive effort, Quraish resorted to various means to repress the prophet's proselytizing movement, both by torturing the prophet's followers and negative propaganda by stating that the prophet was a witch, a madman and a fortune teller.¹⁹

However, all these efforts failed to stop the movement of the prophet and his companions. The torture continued until the prophet decided to send some of his companions in 615AD to request political asylum in Abyssinia (Ethiopia), led by the king of Negus, a devout Christian. Montgomery Watt (2020) commented on the hijra (leaving) process by proposing several reasons: to avoid persecution, trade, obtain military assistance, or find alternative trade routes to match Mecca. However, Watt doubted his thesis and expressed that, despite all the arguments of this hijra process, Quraish felt threatened or disadvantaged. Hence, they had to send two envoys to King Negus to ask these asylum seekers to be repatriated.²⁰

Another perspective was presented by Muhammad Rawwas Qol'ahji (2020), who wrote the prophet's command to some of his companions to emigrate and was part of the prophet's political strategy. He argued that the condition of Islam in Mecca is spreading so quickly, and if Muslims are allowed to stay in Mecca, the potential for its power will be even more alarming, and it could provoke Quraish to act even more harshly against Muslims. However, if many Muslim hijras came out, Muslims would always appear less, so the Quraish would not feel more threatened and would go further. On the other hand, according to Qol'ahji (2020), this hijra strategy is part of the political intelligence of the prophet, who understood the political map in the region and concluded that a safe place for Muslims is in Abyssinia.²¹

Quraish's following action was to boycott the Hashim; they were not allowed to marry and enter economic transactions with this clan of prophets. This boycott occurred in 617 AD and lasted for three years. This impacted the financial condition of the Tribe of Hashim, and famine also infected them. However, this strategy failed to stop the prophet's movement. Finally, the boycott was canceled. The impact of this boycott is not detrimental to the prophet da`wah but even provides a profit with the split of the cohesiveness of the Quraish figures as some of them begin to sympathize with the prophet's movement.

In 618AD, Umar ibn al-Khattab, a figure from the Tribe of Adi clan, and Hamza ibn Abd al-Muttalib, a figure from the Tribe of Hashim and uncle of the prophet, became Muslim. Including these two figures made the prophet's movement stronger; even with the entry of Umar into Islam, Muslims became more courageous to worship in the Kaaba freely.²²

The escalation of Quraish's repressiveness intensified after the proselytizing political patron of the Prophet Abu Talib died. After that, there was no longer a barrier between the prophet and the Quraish. Direct attacks began to turn on the prophet from his family circles, such as his uncle Abu Lahab, Quraish leaders such as Umayya ibn Khalaf, Abu Jahl, and his neighbors. Prophets are often thrown dung during worship or into the prophet's house.²³

The increasingly severe conditions in proselytizing made the prophet turn his eyes to gain political support for his proselytizing in the regions around Mecca. He went to the tribe of Kinda, Kalb, the tribe of 'Aamir, the Hanifah, and the tribe of Saqif, but none accepted Islam and wanted to protect the Islamic movement at that time. The condition of the prophet movement became increasingly vulnerable with the absence of a political shield in Mecca after the death of Abu Talib as his uncle. Quraish officials also have the legitimacy to repress the prophet and his companions because they are considered to have always denounced Quraish's tradition.²⁴

In 620AD, the year after the boycott ended, the prophet succeeded in Islamizing some of the Yathrib people who visited Mecca during the Hajj season. A year later, 12 people pledged allegiance to the prophet as their political leader. The Prophet sent Mus`ab ibn Umayr to invite the Yathrib officials from Aws and Khazraj circles to become Muslims. After a year of proselytizing, Yathrib has been described as already filled with Islam. The potential for political support is also wide open to support the proselytizing of the prophet. In 622AD, a second wave of support from Yathrib came to make up for the prophet and brought full support for Islam.²⁵

Ahmad al-Usairy (2004) explains that three factors influenced the rapid spread of Islam in Yathrib. First, the Yathrib Arabs (Medina) were the closest people to the Abrahamic religion because they heard a lot and were close to the Jews. Secondly, the Jews of Medina often threatened the Arabs about the upcoming appearance of a Prophet and that they would follow him and would expel the Arabs. For this reason, the Yathrib Arabs became the earliest to follow the Prophet. And thirdly, the Medina Arabs (Aws and Khazraj) were in acute hostility. Thus, each group of them rushed to convert to Islam so that they could be stronger than the others. Another writer said that these two tribes are already tired of continuous infighting and expect a leader who will mediate with them and lead them. They gained that momentum when they heard that a prophet had been born in Mecca and was famous for his nobleness of mind and teachings.²⁶ This is illustrated by the sentence uttered by the Khazraj tribal representative during the first pledge (bai`at) of Aqabah: "Indeed, we abandoned our people (Aws and Khazraj). There is no such hostility and evil as their enmity and wickedness. May it be through thee God unites them. If God succeeds in uniting them with your leadership, no one is nobler than you."²⁷

Through the political opportunity structure theory, the political dynamics of the prophet's movement can be analyzed:

First, the relative openness or closure of the institutionalized political system. The political system in the Quraish, which is a confederacy, is very open to various ideas and thoughts. The various Quraish clans also regularly hold discussions in a forum to discuss various problems and solve problems in society. The Prophet Muhammad in this community was respected and known as an honest and trustworthy person. However, the political openness of the Quraish became closed when the Prophet brought a treatise on new beliefs to the Arab community by attacking Arab traditions and beliefs and inviting them to Islam with monotheistic beliefs.

Second, the stability or instability of the political elites. Islam, brought by the Prophet and spread in the Quraish community, united the Quraish figures by putting pressure on and persuading the Prophet and his group. The Prophet and his companions, especially from the weak, were reviled, and some of them were even arrested and tortured. Nevertheless, the prophet was lucky because he came from the clan of the Banu Hashim, which was revered in Makkah. His uncle, Abu Talib, was also revered by the Arabs. This is what makes the prophet personally safe and free. But it was different from his other friends who did not have tribal support, especially from the enslaved people. The chieftains were free to torture and persecute them.

However, Abu Talib's influence did not last long because the Quraish council agreed to boycott the Banu Hashim socially and economically. Conditions worsened when the prophet's uncle died, and Quraish became more and more aggressive with the prophet and his movement until the end. The cohesiveness of Quraish was also seen when the prophet sent his companions to seek refuge in Abyssinia. The Quraish sent envoys to persuade the Muslims to return to Makkah.

Third, the presence or absence of elite allies. At first, Abu Talib, a respected figure in the Banu Hashim, was also respected by the Quraish clans. Quraish also used persuasive approaches to Abu Talib to persuade the Prophet to stop his preaching that attacked their worship. But after Abu Talib failed to persuade the prophet and the prophet who did not want to stop carrying out his da'wah activities, Quraish put aside respect for Abu Talib and the Banu Hashim and strengthened the pressure and repression of the prophet, including the boycott of the Banu Hashim.

Forth, the capacity of the state and the tendency to repression. Arabs, including the Quraish, are known to be warlike and have solid tribal ties. The emergence of the prophet's da'wah and Islam that attacked the Arab tradition made the Arab nation feel attacked, so they were united in resisting the transformation efforts carried out by the prophet and his da'wah movement.

3.4. Framing Theory

The Prophet Muhammad's mission of preaching Islam in Mecca aimed to transform the Quraish's idolatrous practices into belief in tauhid (monotheism) and adherence to divine guidance. This approach aligns with the framing theory, comprising diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational aspects.

In the diagnostic and prognostic dimension, the various calls of the prophet in Mecca describe how the prophet denounced the polytheism belief of the Quraish people and called them to the Monotheism of Islam. These can be found in many of the Qur'ānic verses. For example, in the Qur'ān, Surah Az-Zukhruf, 43: 87, Allah said, "If you ask them ˹O Prophet˺ who created them, they will certainly say, "Allah!" How can they then be deluded ˹from the truth˺?²⁸In another verse in Surah Al-'Ankabut, 29: 63, Allah Mentioned, "And if you ask them who sends down rain from the sky, giving life to the earth after its death, they will surely say, "Allah!" Say, "Praise be to Allah!" In fact, most of them do not understand.²⁹ These examples of verses express more softly in criticizing the belief of Quraish.

Other verses even attacked the Quraish harder, such as in the Surah An-Najm, 53:19-26, when the Qur'ān expresses to the Quraish that when those people believe God has sons and daughters, it was called as just assumption of the disbelievers, and they will get responsibility for their false claim.³⁰ In the Surah of Surah Al-Anbya, 21: 98, the Qur'ān even warned the Quraish that their idols would be the fuel to burn their followers in the hereafter.

Now, have you considered ˹the idols of˺ Lâtand 'Uzza, and the third one, Manât,as well? Do you prefer to have sons while ˹you attribute˺ to Him, daughters? Then this is ˹truly˺ a biased distribution! These ˹idols˺ are mere names that you and your forefathers have made up—a practice Allah has never authorized. They follow nothing but ˹inherited˺ assumptions and whatever ˹their˺ souls desire, although ˹true˺ guidance has already come to them from their Lord. Or should every person ˹simply˺ have whatever ˹intercessors˺ they desire? In fact, Allah ˹alone˺ belongs this world and the next. ˹Imagine˺ how many ˹noble˺ angels are in the heavens! ˹Even˺ their intercession would be of no benefit whatsoever until Allah gives permission to whoever He wills and ˹only for the people He˺ approves. Certainly, you ˹disbelievers˺ and whatever you worship instead of Allah will be the fuel of Hell.You are ˹all˺ bound to enter it.³¹

In terms of the motivational dimension, al-Qur'ān has explained many verses that promise goodness for those who believe in God and abandon polytheism, as mentioned in Surah surah Saba, 16: 97: "To whoever, male or female, does good deeds and has faith, We shall give a good life and reward them according to the best of their actions."³²

These verses of the Qur'ān, when read in the middle of the Arabs, amaze them with the redaction of the language and the depth of its meaning. This is what makes poetry experts and intelligent Quraish Arab figures unable to resist the inevitability of the Qur'ān. As in the Islamic story of Umar ibn al-Khattab, who had wanted to kill the prophet Muhammad PBUH, but while listening to the chanting of the Qur'ān and reading the Qur'ān, he was amazed and said his admiration and finally changed his heart from a hater of Islam to Muslim and fought for Islam.³³

Another testimony is also seen in the story of Al-Ṭufayl ibn ʿAmr al-Dawsī, a master of poetry who came to Mecca and accidentally heard the words of the prophet in the Kaaba; he said: "For the glory of my mother, by God, verily I am an intelligent poet, of whom nothing praiseworthy nor despicable is hidden from me! So, what prevents me from listening to what this man is saying. If he comes with a commendable thing, I will indeed accept it, and if he comes with a despicable one, then I will leave it."³⁴

The influence of the prophet's words and readings – the recitation of the Qur'ān that made the figures and poets become Muslims aroused curiosity for the figures of Quraysh themselves, such as the three figures, Abu Sufyan ibn Harb, Abu Jahl 'Amr ibn bin Hisham and al-Akhnas ibn Shariq, alone and in hiding, came and listened to the Qur'ān outside the house of the prophet in the middle of the night while the prophet was praying in each other's condition of not knowing his presence.³⁵

Hearing the recitation of the prophet's Qur'ān amazed and fascinated them. Still, when they returned home, they were shocked and reminded each other not to repeat shameful deeds that could weaken their political position and strengthen the prophet's position. But the events they experienced made them want to come, and it kept happening for three nights. This incident made their position doubtful of the long-standing attitude towards Islam, which was full of hostility. Still, after realizing their position as Quraish leaders and their potential political defeat from Islam, they decided not to come again in the following days.³⁶

The historical facts prove that the influence of Islam and the persuasion aspects contained in the readings of the Qur'ān, the beautiful language and its content amaze the Quraish and make them, in a short time, become Muslims.³⁷ Regarding the framing approach in social movements, it proves that the narratives contained in the teachings of revelation could influence the Arab society that existed at that time.

The utilization of multiple perspectives in the study of social movements enhances the understanding of the political life of prophets, which remains largely understudied. Examining the activism of the prophet allows to grasp the social and political circumstances and the strategies employed by the prophet that contributed to the success of his movements. Despite being religious, the prophet engages in his da'wah activities within the broader context of social and human existence. Thus, it is natural for the process of prophetic da'wah to adapt to the prevailing conditions.

4. Conclusion

This research aims to share another perspective on the Sirah or the history of the Prophet Muhammad. While many studies focus on his personality, morals, social, economic aspects, and his role as a leader. This paper acknowledges that, apart from being a prophet, he was also an accomplished statesman and politician. Therefore, this study explores the Prophet's proselytizing efforts in Mecca using the approach of social movements. It focuses on the structural aspects in Mecca that paved the potential emergence of the prophetic movement. These structural aspects, such as moral decay and social inequality in Mecca, provided the potential areas for transformative movements.

The Prophet Muhammad's proselytizing, examined through the resource mobilization approach involved both secret and open strategies, often organized in groups and executed peacefully to build public support for his teachings. The prophet's proselytizing introduced revolutionary ideas that countered the established systems and traditions imposed by the Quraish elite in Mecca. Following the death of his uncle, the Prophet and his companions faced increased oppression. However, the prophet's consistent proselytizing opened new political avenues, especially for the Yathrib people through the Aws and Khazraj tribes.

The framing approach explains that the prophet's proselytizing directly challenged the beliefs of the Mecca people and their social and economic traditions.In addition, the prophet promoted the concept of tawhid and called on the community to abandon the practices of polytheism in Arab society.

After analyzing the Prophet Muhammad's da`wa movement using the social movement theory, it can be concluded that the success was rooted in the structural conditions of the Arab world. It was also based on the prophet's persuasive non-violent methods, his power of the Islamic ideas, and his ability to overcome the political obstacles. His da`wa movement ultimately led to the establishment of political institution in Medina.

This study is an early exploration of the Prophet's efforts to promote Islam through da'wah movement from Makkah to Medina. This study focuses on the integration of social movement theory in looking at the phenomenon of social movements in the Islamic world, from a historical perspective. This study is important because, social movements are typically analysed through western examples, while Islamic movements are mostly portrayed in the lens of violence, radicalism or terrorism. This study briefly employs theoretical phenomenon to show the applicability of the Prophet's efforts in fighting for social transformation.

Conflict of Interest

The author of the manuscript has no financial or non-financial conflict of interest in the subject matter or materials discussed in this manuscript.

Data Availability Statement

The data associated with this study will be provided by the corresponding author upon request.

Funding Details

This research did not receive a grant from any funding source or age