Introduction

Numerous scholars have revealed that Western media and various anti-Islamic movements have frequently portrayed Muslim women in a range of negative ways, often through their misrepresentation and marginalisation. ¹ Western media has generally portrayed Muslim women as oppressed, backward, less respected, undervalued, uneducated, and subject to male dominance. This wrong depiction often creates misrepresentation regarding the Islamic teachings concerning the veil, hijab (head covering), or burqa (facial covering), as well as Islamic principles related to women's rights, such as inheritance, and their role as witnesses in the Shariah (Islamic) court. Therefore, the researchers' prime duty is to explore the crucial contribution of Muslim women in developing societies and nation-building, particularly emphasizing the Palestinian women's role in defending theAl-Aqsa Mosque.

When Islam was established in the Arabian Peninsula in the 7^th century, it paved the way for Muslim women's liberation, and Allah elevated their status in society. Allah revealed to Prophet Muhammad to protect the rights of women, honour them, and raise their status in society. During that century, Muslim women enjoyed the right to equal justice and the right to access education. Historically, Muslim women were granted the right to financial independence and security, including the right to trade, engage in business, own property, enter into legal contracts, and manage their assets and financial affairs. Women had the right to inherit property, spend their wealth, and invest it.² There are several ongoing debates on the status of Muslim women in leadership and their roles in society. These debates are wide-ranging and remain unresolved on whether they could serve society politically, socially, culturally, and spiritually at large or not. Currently, the fundamentalists and Orthodox perspectives are of the viewpoint that Muslim women should abstain from active participation in Muslim affairs and Islamic leadership. On a broader scale, socially, the genuine and tangible contributions of Muslim women to society have to be revisited, re-evaluated, and revived. According to Hadji Abdul Racman, the social, ethical, educational, economic, political, and material progress of Muslim societies will never materialise without the active engagement of Muslim women. Therefore, Muslim societies must fully recognize women's contributions to nation-building, public administration, Islamic scholarship, and Muslim affairs across the economic, socio-cultural, political, and spiritual spectrum. Historically, in the nascent stage of Islam, the female companions of the Prophet (PBUH) prayed in the Prophet's Mosque, traded in their local and regional markets, taught the Qur'ān and the prophetic traditions, gave charity, and even fought in the battle alongside the Prophet. During this time, the Muslim women already held positions of power and leadership. They cooperated with men in civil life and defensive warfare. They also excelled in various fields, including Ḥadīth studies, fiqh (jurisprudence), public administration, warfare, etc.³

Since then, there have been numerous Muslim women who have led leadership since the 9^th century to date. Queen Zubayda, the wife of the 9th century Caliph Harun Ar-Rasheed, built several water resources and guest houses for pilgrims along major routes leading to Makkah. She was an intellectual woman who expressed her political views publicly and supported the poets, writers, scholars, and theneedy regardless of their religion. Arwa al-Sulayhi ruled Yemen for seventy-one years in the 11th century. In 1500 C.E., Hurrem Sultan, the wife of King Suleyman, founded numerous institutions and mosque complexes in Istanbul, including an Islamic school, public kitchen, bathhouse, and women's hospital. She also contributed to the establishment of four schools in Makkah and a mosque in Jerusalem.⁴ Siti Wan Kembang, who ruled in the early 17^th century used to control the social, political, economic, and religious affairs of Kelantan, Malaysia. This demonstrates that Muslim Malay women played a crucial role in the Islamization of the Malays.⁵ Similarly, one of the founders of twenty-eight subordinate sultanates of Lanao Sultanate in 1616 was a woman named Bai-sa Lumbak.⁶ In the recent century, Pakistan had Benazir Bhutto, who served as Prime Minister from 1988 to 1990 and again from 1993 to 1996.⁷ Likewise, Halima Yacob was elected as the first Singapore Muslim women president.⁸ Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim-populated nation, had been led by Dyah Permata Megawati Setiawati Sukarnoputri as its 5th president from 2001 to 2004.⁹ Khaleda Zia served as Prime Minister of Bangladesh from 1991 to 1996 and again from 2001 to 2006. Moreover, countries like—Turkey, Senegal, Kyrgyzstan, Kosovo, Mali, Northern Cyprus, Mauritius, and Tunisia—have had Muslim women as prime ministers or presidents highlighting the significant role of women in charge.¹⁰

The researchers agreed that there is an existing humongous knowledge gap in the status and roles of Muslim women in societies, particularly across the socio-political, cultural, and economic sectors of the Islamic world. This knowledge gap causes misinterpretations and distasteful opinions on the status of Muslim women in Islamic leadership and, more broadly, on their roles in societies. Consequently, this paper explores the narratives on the roles Palestinian women play in defending their occupied land, with a particular emphasis on the Al-Aqsa Mosque. Historically, Palestinian women have been able to employ various types of resistance under their own spiritual, psychological, and physical capacities after realising the significance and efficacy of the national struggle for the liberation of Palestine. Throughout Palestinian history, women have played a significant role in the national struggle; they have been mothers, civilian activists, prisoners, politicians, and fighters¹¹ Leila Khaled, the hijacker, is arguably one of the most iconic Palestinian women. In 1969, she participated in the hijacking of a TWA plane, which she flew to Damascus before exploding. She underwent cosmetic surgery to change her appearance and the following year attempted to hijack another plane as part of a series of hijackings planned by the left-wing Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.¹² As part of the Palestinian fight to overthrow the Israeli occupation, younger generations of Palestinian women are now actively participating in civilian resistance. ¹³ Therefore, this research is significant as it expands the body of knowledge about Muslim women's empowerment worldwide. It also draws attention to a significant contemporary instance of Ribat that extends the term's previous religious meaning. Furthermore, it provides awareness of the obstacles and hardships Palestinian women endure, asserting that their steadfastness and determination to remain on their land are significant.

Research Questions

This study looks at Muslim women's participation in socio-political spheres of life. It looks at the roles that Palestinian women inMurabitat play in defending their occupied land, with a particular emphasis on the Al-Aqsa Mosque. Thus, this study addresses the following research questions:

1. What are Ribat and Murabitat?
2. What kinds of events are organised in Al-Aqsa by the the Palestinian women in Murabitat regarding two of the most highly prominent Murabitat in Al-Aqsa?
3. How do these activities enhance the empowerment of Muslim women?

Before delving into the analysis, it is vital to provide information on theAl-Aqsa Mosque, as it highlights the importance of the mosque for Muslims and Palestinian women in particular.

2.1 Al-Aqsa Mosque and its Religious Significance for Muslims

According to Abdul Hadi, Al-Aqsa has two meanings in Arabic: (i) the highest in terms of status; and (ii) the farthest in terms of distance. Thus, theAl-Aqsa Mosque could mean the mosque with the highest status or could refer to the mosque that was the furthest from Mecca while Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) received the holy Qur'ān.¹⁴ Located in the southeast corner of Jerusalem's Old City, Al-Aqsa Mosque occupies one-sixth of the city's total area. Al-Aqsa Mosque, also known as Al-Haram Al-Sharif (the Noble Sanctuary), has more than 200 historical monuments dating from different Islamic eras and occupies the entire 144,000 square meter area inside the compound walls, including all the open courtyards, platforms, buildings, prayer rooms, and mosques that are either above or below the grounds. Since Islamic belief and jurisprudence consider the holy grounds of Al-Aqsa sacred, they also consider all the courtyards and buildings constructed there as equally sacred. This sacredness extends beyond the actual places designated for worship, such as Al-Qibly Mosque (the mosque with the enormous silver dome) or the Dome of the Rock, as well as the structures located inside the grounds of Al-Aqsa. Al-Aqsa Mosque is larger than merely the Dome of the Rock and the Al-Qibly Mosque. It is the entire region highlighted in yellow, as shown in Figure 1 below. People sometimes referred to it as "Bayt al-Muqaddas" or "Bayt al-Maqdis,", which means the House of the Holiness.¹⁵

Figure 1. Al-Aqsa Mosque. Source: Abu Huzaifa (2019, 6)

For Muslims, Al-Aqsa Mosque is very important spiritually for several reasons, the most significant of which are presented as follows: (1) It is the location of one miracle witnessed by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), known as the Night Journey (Al-Isra' wa Al-Mi'rāj), as cited in the holy Qur'ān in Surat Al-'Isra': "Exalted is He who took His Servant by night from al-Masjid al-Haram to al-Masjid al-Aqsa, whose surroundings We have blessed, to show him of Our signs. Indeed, He is the Hearing, the Seeing."¹⁶ (2) The Qur'ān and the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad state that Al-Aqsa Mosque is one of the three sacred places that Muslims are advised to travel to on pilgrimage, as stated in Sahih-Bukhari:¹⁷ "Do not get ready for a journey other than to the three mosques, namely Al-Masjid AI-Harām, the Mosque of Aqsa (Jerusalem), and my mosque." (3) For 13 years, Muslims turned towards Al-Aqsa Mosque for their daily prayers before being instructed to turn towards Al-Ka'aba in Mecca. The Al-Aqsa Mosque was the world's second popular and significant mosque after the Ka'aba in Mecca. According to Sahih Bukhari Narrated by Abu Dahr: I said, "O Allah's Apostle! Which mosque was first built on the surface of the earth?" He said, "Al-Masjidul- Harām (in Mecca)." I said, "Which was built next?" He replied, "The mosque of Al-Aqsa (in Jerusalem)." I said, "What was the period of construction between the two?" He said, "Forty years." He added, "Wherever (you may be, and) the prayer time becomes due, perform the prayer there, for the best thing is to do so (i.e., to offer the prayers in time)."¹⁸ (4). A religious importance is associated with the Rock of Bayt al-Maqdis and Angel Israfil, as cited in the holy Qur'ān in Surat Qaf, "Hearken on the Day when the caller will call from a place nearby, the Day when they shall hear the Blast in truth. That will be the Day (for the dead) to come forth."¹⁹ The 'place nearby' in the aforementioned verses is the sacred Rock of Bayt al-Maqdis, where Angel Israfil will summon humanity to come together on the Day of Judgement, which is when people will rise from the dead, as believed in Islamic belief. Ikrime Sabri says; that the Imam of Al-Aqsa Mosque and convener of the Islamic Supreme Committee argued that four principal ties bond of Muslims to Bayt al-Maqdis, which are belief, culture and civilisation, worship, and history.²⁰

Al-Aqsa Mosque is currently under Israeli occupation, and Palestinians continue to defend their holy site, no matter how severe the situation is. After the 1967 "Six-Day War," Israeli forces took control of the entire city of Jerusalem. They declared their ownership of the Al-Aqsa Mosque, while the Islamic waqf (trust) is in charge of its custodianship. Nonetheless, Israeli troops are allowed to patrol and conduct searches within the mosque.²¹ After occupying East Jerusalem and taking control of Al-Haram Al-Shareef in 1967 following their victory over the Arab armies in the war of June 5, the Israeli forces started excavating beneath the Al-Aqsa Mosque. This demonstrates the Zionists' fervent desire and determination to conduct excavations beneath the Al-Aqsa Mosque. These excavations continued to the present time.²² According to Kailani, the walls of the Al-Aqsa Mosque are in danger of being penetrated by more than 20 excavations and tunnels. Some tunnels have been transformed into synagogues and given titles derived from the Talmud that suggest that they are a component of the claimed Jewish temple. Through more than 114 excavation sites, where the interconnected and long tunnels were excavated and built beneath and surrounding theAl-Aqsa Mosque, the settler groups and the Israel Antiquities Authority conducted their secret operation to erode the Al-Aqsa Mosque.²³ According to Ijaz et al., Israeli authorities have gone beyond the boundaries of natural law and international human rights by designating numerous houses of worship as "closed zones" accessible only with certain permits. However, these permits are extremely difficult to obtain, and are consistently denied to Arab residents. In a similar vein, some buildings have bricked-up doors and windows, and some have barriers and fences surrounding them.²⁴

3. Research Methodology

This study employs a qualitative approach that is involved in "analysing the subjective meaning or the social production of issues, events, or practices by collecting non-standardised data and analysing texts and images rather than numbers and statistics."²⁵ Qualitative research methods focus on exploring and understating different perspectives and thoughts, meaning, or reality.²⁶ The primary goal of qualitative research approaches is to investigate and understand various viewpoints, ideas, meanings, or realities.²⁷ The current study is a case-based study, which was carried out to investigate the study's objectives. The study of a single case's complexity and particularity through understanding its action within crucial circumstances is known as case study research.²⁸ A case study, according to Yin, investigates a current phenomenon in-depth and within its actual context, particularly when it is difficult to distinguish between the issues of context and phenomenon.²⁹ Merriam and Tisdell noted that a case study is a type of research that emphasises the search for understanding in the setting of qualitative research, with the researcher serving as the primary instrument for data collection and analysis and producing highly descriptive findings.³⁰ The data for this study was obtained from secondary sources, such as newspaper stories and journal publications. Regarding the data's inter-coder reliability, the researchers initially analysed it individually. The coding technique was then modified and accepted by all researchers. According to Tinsley and Weiss, inter-rater (or inter-coder) agreement is significant since it assesses 'the extent to which the different judges tend to assign the same rating to each object. This fact served to reinforce the view that the coders' had regarding the consensus-based conclusion and its validity.³¹

4. Finding

4.1. Ribat and Murabitat

Şimşek (2024), defined the Arabic word Ribat as "keeping watch (stand guard) along the border to prevent enemy attacks."³² Throughout the history of Islamic architecture, the name is usually applied to the buildings where soldiers stood guard along the borders and tied their horses. In the Holy Qur'ān, the term is stated with Jihad in the verses Al-Imran (3:200) and Al-Anfāl (8:60). For instance, in the Al-Imran verse, Allah says,"O believers! Patiently endure, persevere, stand on guard, and be mindful of Allah, so you may be successful." The Hadīths (sayings of the prophet Muhammad) also emphasise the significance of Ribat, as cited in Al-Bukhari: "A day's vigil (Ribat) at the border in the way of Allah is better than the world and all that is on it," and "A night's vigil (Ribat) in the way of Allah is better than spending a month in fasting and worship."³³ The spiritual aspect and the military role were integrated from the start of the Ribats. Therefore, it was crucialto give equal attention to the spiritual and military aspects of the Muraabituun (volunteer soldiers) training. The volunteer soldiers' consideration for this matter is demonstrated because they read the Qur'ān, engaged in prayer, and performed dhikr (an Islamic prayer that involves reciting prayers aloud several times to remember God) during their free time. In this regard, the masjids (mosques) of the Ribats are quite significant.³⁴

The word Ribat is derived from the Arabic verb (Rabata), which means to fasten, tie, or be attached. The definition of the verb is "to be lined up, posted stationed (troops); to line up, take up positions; to be moored (ship); to move into fighting positions," as provided by Hans Wehr in his popular Arabic-English dictionary.³⁵ In the Islamic discursive tradition, Ribat has been utilised in a variety of contexts throughout history. It was ascribed to cities under danger from Byzantine forces attacks, including Aleppo, Tarsus, Beirut, and Antakya, during the Umayyad era. Later, the Almoravid dynasty adopted the word to refer to the area from where they launched attacks on the Western frontier of the Islamic empire. Additionally, the word came to be connected with many Sufi organisations, who referred to their hospices and guesthouses as "Ribats."³⁶

According to Schmitt (2017), in the Islamic tradition of Ribat, the terms "Murabitun" (for men) and "Murabitat" (for women) refer to the protectors of one's faith.³⁷ Schmitt argued that Murabitin sees their work as a kind of worship. Ribat, according to them, is for God alone; it is not for community, nation, or country. It is closely related to one's sense of faith and piety, which the murabitin contends are influenced by the political environment but not directly controlled by it. In this study, the researchers use the term "Murabitat," which is the feminine plural derived from the root (rabata). This term refers to people who defend what is being attacked; with Murabitat in this study, this means defending al-Aqsa Mosque against Jewish radicals who want to destroy the holy Islamic site and change its status quo.³⁸ The Murabitat is a group that was founded in 2012 and had grown to about 1,000 members until they were banned from visiting al-Aqsa in 2015 because of allegations that they were associated with the Islamic Movement of Israel. Even though Israel has legal restrictions on Murabitat"s entry, they have continued to return to Al-Aqsa, confirming their presence and refusing to give up the resistance.³⁹ Murabitat, who are not only from Jerusalem but also frequently come from other Palestinian towns including Jaffa, Haifa, Akko, Umm Al-Fahm, and Nazareth, have been resilient despite arrests, the seizure of ID cards, the police abuse that includes physical and verbal attacks, and prohibitions on visiting the sacred place.⁴⁰ Shitrit asserted that the initial objective of Murabitat was to raise Muslim awareness of the significance of Al-Aqsa among Muslims in Palestine and the rest of the globe. ⁴¹ Moreover, Schmitt argued that there was a noticeable lack of men because of the imprisonment, arrests, and bans on men entering the mosque, which prompted the women to take up the front lines of mosque protection.⁴²

4.2. Palestinian Women Murabitat in Al-Aqsa and their Activities

In her study, Shitritexplored the principal activities of Murabitat at the site of Al-Aqsa. She found that the major initiatives of Murabitat were to encourage women to visit or go on pilgrimages to Al-Aqsa (which is called shad al-rihāl in Arabic). In addition, to raise Ribat in the mosque to confirm that the site belongs to Muslims only, despite what they perceived to be pressure from the Israeli establishment for a temporary separation of Muslims and Jews at the site. They also arranged monthly shuttles around the country to fetch women to Al-Aqsa regularly. The Return Project was also another significant initiative, whereby Murabitat organised day trips for women to visit Palestinian villages that had been devastated in 1948 in remembrance of their right to return, memory, and history. In addition, Murabitat hosted charity bazaars, wherein women would contribute goods to be sold at an annual event that drew people from nearby cities and villages. Furthermore, they make Al-Aqsa a home for their communities and plan activities for youth, children, and women at the location. They also volunteer to clean the place and assist with iftar preparations for guests who are fasting during Ramadan. Other activities include educating religious lessons, being authorised guides there, serving as professional employees of the Islamic Waqf, and even facing the Israeli authorities and proving their resistance credentials. ⁴³ In his study, Schmitt asserted that Murabitat created new avenues for women to participate in Palestine's political fight by integrating the Ribat language's symbolic resonance with Islam's discursive tradition, employing domestic metaphors to express their connection to the sacred place, and chanting the phrase "Allahu Akbar" as protest. She also pointed out that phrases such as "Jerusalem Resists Alone" were frequently used by Murabitat in protests. Their major fear is related to the Judaisation of Jerusalem (tawhid Al-Quds in Arabic). Thus, they discussed the mosque"s potential division, both temporally and spatially, believing that the Al-Aqsa Mosque would be lost if they did not keep watch over it.⁴⁴ Daoud stated that many Murabitat proudly declared that their brave activities had established gender equality in their communities, believing that they had paved an alternative route for their communities where bias against women h as disappeared.⁴⁵ The following section illustrates thekinds of activities organised in Al-Aqsa by the female members of the Palestinian Murabitat concerning two of the most highly prominent Murabitat in Al-Aqsa.

4.2.1. Hanadi Halawani

Halawani is one of the Murabitat whose objective is to defend Al-Aqsa Mosque from Jewish right-wing assaults. She is at the top of the list of Palestinians prohibited from entering Al-Aqsa and has been referred to by the Israeli media as one of the most dangerous Palestinians in Jerusalem. Israeli authorities over 60 times in a series of incidents have arrested and expelled her. Throughout her captivity and detention, Halawani was subject to multiple violations. She reports that she and other Murabitat experienced humiliation and abuse in detention, including being forced to take off their headscarves and traditional Islamic attire while being filmed. In addition, they were forbidden from using sanitary towels when they were menstruating. To safeguard both the Murabitat and Al-Aqsa Mosque, Halawani has chosen to go a different way via education. She studied international law and human rights at Birzeit University, intending to fight for the protection of the sacred place.⁴⁶

Halawani is a well-known figure who is frequently interviewed by the media for her religious and political beliefs supporting Palestine and Al-Aqsa. She always identifies herself as "I am a daughter of Jerusalem" to express her strong attachment and affiliation with her homeland. In her article, Halawani stated, "I am a daughter of Jerusalem—and yet I cannot enter Al-Aqsa Mosque."⁴⁷ This statement highlights the injustice that she has experienced because of her arrests and bans on entering Al-Aqsa. She believes that her status as a native of the city granted her the right to visit Al-Aqsa and be in the vicinity of the sacred site, which validates her resistance to the occupation.

Her Ribat activities include teaching the Qur"ān. She holds a Qur"ān teaching certificate, which qualifies her to visit Al-Aqsa daily . She has also been involved in an initiative since 2011 that aims to teach believers, ages 12 to 80, the Qur"ān. She is the director of the entire program of the Qur"ān teaching. When she joined with other teachers at Al-Aqsa, they worked collaboratively, with each teacher or volunteer assigned to a specific subject and area of expertise. Her responsibility would involve moving from one circle to the next, leading, consoling, encouraging, and directing. She is known as the butterfly of Al-Aqsa.⁴⁸ Despite the Israeli authorities' restrictions and harassment of Halawani and the other Murabitat, she never abandoned her devotion to the educational program; she reports, "Whenever the soldiers tried to make life difficult for us, we would find ways around these restrictions; when they tried to scare us, we remained fearless and steadfast. When they tried to threaten us, we wouldn't move an inch. Nothing they have done has changed our commitment to the educational program."⁴⁹

Furthermore, Halawani boldly stated that she constantly collaborates and contemplates with her group of Murabitat to challenge and overcome the occupation's unjust decision to banish them from Al-Aqsa. One activity they agreed on was to pray at the Al-Mujahideen Road, which is the nearest location to Al-Aqsa that they could reach. Halawani added that they have been doing this for several years, and they welcomed anyone expelled from Al-Aqsa to join them. Another activity of Ribat to challenge the occupation is during the holy month of Ramadan. Halawani and other Murabitat were not content to pray at that location. Below, Figure 2 shows Halawani and other Murabitat performing prayers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound.⁵⁰

Figure 2. Halawani performed itikaf prayers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound with other Murabitat to prevent the Zionist regime's occupation of the area. Source: https://www.ummahtoday.com.my/

They also hosted communal iftār (breaking of the fasting) to attract attention and educate others about why they were dining in the street, aiming to inform as many people as possible about Al-Aqsa's cause.⁵¹ The most common cuisine made by the Murabitat is Maqluba, a popular traditional Palestinian dish made with rice, meat, and vegetables. When the occupation decided to stop Halawani from entering Al-Aqsa, she chose to station at its doors with the other Murabitat stationed there in her way through Maqluba, which marked the beginning of the resistance through the Maqluba at the Chain Gate, the gate of Al-Aqsa.⁵² The Murabitat chose to prepare this dish because there are local stories that claim that after Jerusalem was freed by the commander Salahuddin Al-Ayyubi in 1187; the city celebrated its victory by serving this dish to al-Ayyubi and his soldiers. Maqluba was called Bazenjaniyah but was renamed by Al-Ayyubi as maqluba, which means "upside now" in Arabic, considering that it is flipped on the serving trays after preparation.⁵³ In December 2017, Jerusalem residents protested against Trump's decision to recognise Jerusalem as Israel's capital. They brought enormous pots of Maqluba and ate them in front of the Israeli police, and they flipped the pots while chanting, "Allahu Akbar." This became a ritual, and both Palestinians and Israelis began to refer to this meal as the "dish of spite." Accordingly, this dish has become a symbol of Palestinian community and solidarity and a tradition of the protest supporting Palestine. Halawani states that, "During the sit-in against Trump's decision at the Damascus Gate, I made sure to serve Maqluba… to the young protesters as a way to underline that Jerusalem is the capital of Palestine, with all its people, food, and culture. People are now keen to have Maqluba every week with their families in Al-Aqsa's squares as a kind of tradition and custom to guard the mosque.⁵⁴

Below, Figure 3 shows Halawani and another Murabita serving Maqluba during Ramadan Iftar at Al-Aqsa Mosque.

Figure 3. Halawani and another Murabita serving Maqluba during Ramadan Iftar at Al-Aqsa Mosque. Source: https://www.ummahtoday.com.my/

Moreover, in media interviews, Halawani consistently highlights the contribution of Palestinian women to the struggle for liberation. In an interview with the Al-Awda Palestinian Foundation (2015), she states, "A Palestinian woman has played a significant role in struggle, jihad, and steadfastness. She is a fighter, a detainee, a fighter's mother, wife, and sister. She gave birth to and raised the fighters. She is a detainee, a detainee's mother, sister, wife, and daughter. The Palestinian woman has endured more than any other woman in the world. She is a symbol of steadfastness and resilience."

Halawani views her Ribat not only as a responsibility to defend Al-Aqsa Mosque but also as defending the honour of the entire Islamic nation, believing that Murabitat stood alone in defending the sacred site and challenging the occupation's strength, injustice, and oppression, despite the brutal attacks they have experienced. Therefore, Murabitat thrived on portraying the situation and suffering witnessed by Al-Aqsa citizens and worshippers, as justified by the brutal abuse they have experienced from the occupation authorities. Halawani states, "Attacks against Murabitat have escalated recently, as the occupation recognised women's significant role in obstructing, thwarting, and revealing its plans by their presence, defence, strength, and steadfastness." Halawani asserted that Murabitat's reaction has educated the people throughout the world about the situation of Al-Aqsa. She adds that"the reaction to the Murabitat movement was not just restricted to Palestine; we saw reactions at the community level, including demonstrations and marches in support of the uprising and the defenders, both male and female."⁵⁵

4.2.2. Fatimah Khedr

Khedr is another prominent Murabita in Jerusalem. Khedr's attachment and love for Jerusalem were the inevitable result of a series of tragedies that made her appreciate the value of her homeland. She was born 10 years after the Nakba, but she learnt about displacement from her mother and grandmother, who were forced to leave the village of Bir Ma'in in the Ramla area in 1948. Her family settled in the Al-Sharaf neighbourhood, next to Al-Aqsa Mosque.⁵⁶ Accordingly, Khedr is one of the most empowered women in Palestine. Her voice resonates in the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque, chanting in support of the mosque and criticising Arab rulers for not defending Al-Aqsa. On the steps of Bab al-Amoud (Damascus Gate), she does not hesitate to engage in any solidarity demonstrations with detainees and martyrs' families, as well as against all arbitrary decisions against Jerusalem and its citizens, in addition to her participation on Palestine's national occasions. Khedr, along with other Jerusalemites, is actively involved with organising visits to all the mothers of martyrs not just in Jerusalem but also in other governorates in the West Bank, as well as visiting the owners of demolished homes to comfort them.⁵⁷

Khedr became an icon of Jerusalemite women's resilience. She has always been accompanied by the Palestinian flag, which she has never replaced with the flags of other Palestinian factions. Furthermore, she became a target for the Israeli occupation and its settlers, who circulated her photo in one of the campaigns calling for mass raids on the Al-Aqsa Mosque, in a clear provocation to attack her.⁵⁸ During her participation in protests and rallies to defend Al-Aqsa, she was subjected to hundreds of injuries by the Israeli soldiers and police who used sound bombs, tear gas, rubber bullets, electric shocks, and severe beatings with batons.⁵⁹ However, in one of her interviews with Aljazeera, she boldly asserts, "I am not lying when I say that I am not afraid of that at all, because I believe that I am standing on solid ground that recognises that I am the landowner and that they are the intruders."⁶⁰ She also revealed that during one of her investigations with Israeli officials, she informed the investigators, "Do whatever you want. I am the daughter of this country, the owner of a right and a cause, and I will fight against your injustice until my last breath."⁶¹ Here, her statement, "I am the daughter of this country," is similar to Halawani's, as previously discussed, and emphasizes her deep affinity and attachment to her homeland, as well as her willingness to resist the illegitimate occupation.

In another activity of Ribat, Khedr celebrates the blessed Eid al-Adha in the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque by preparing more than 70 kg of Arabic Maamoul (a traditional Palestinian dessert) scented with the scent of dates, which she makes to distribute after the Eid prayer. Khedr celebrates in her unique way, wishing she could live a normal life in this holy place. She also bravely stands in the middle of the courtyards and calls out every year the greeting "Al-Aqsa is fine," which she exchanges with other Palestinians visiting Al-Aqsa.⁶² The greeting Muslims use for Eid in Arabic means "For each year, I hope you and yours are fine," yet Khedr used the statement "Al-Aqsa is fine" to emphasise the significance of defending Al-Aqsa.

Moreover, another practice that represents Khedr empowerment is embroidery. She states, "In my free time, I either protest in the square or embroider at home. At the age of nine, I learnt embroidery from my mother and grandmother, and I discovered that each stitch tells a story. One tells of spring, another of a wedding, and a third of ears of grain.⁶³

She welcomes her guests on the street wearing traditional Palestinian attire, with a keffiyeh (Palestinian traditional scarf) hanging over her shoulders. She believes that preserving the heritage is a resistance that she should maintain. She explains, "Heritage is my identity. I go with it to exhibitions both inside and outside of Jerusalem, and I only leave my house dressed in traditional Palestinian attire. Should I abandon our roots? I am a refugee in my country, and I adhere to my heritage because I feel it is one of the means that will return us to our villages from where we were forcibly displaced.⁶⁴

The occupation had already raided her house, wreaking destruction before stealing all of her embroidery, as well as images of Al-Aqsa, Jerusalem, and Palestine in particular. ⁶⁵ Below, Figure 4 shows Khedr embroidering a new heritage item at her home, and Figure 5 shows her embroidery and small antiques collection on display at the Heritage Bazaar (exhibition) in Amman.

Figure 4. Fatima Khedr is Embroidering a New Heritage Item at Her Home (Source: Al Jazeera)

Figure 5. Fatima Khedr's Embroidery and Small Antiques Collection is on Display at the Heritage Bazaar (exhibition) in Amman. Source (Alghad News)

Khedr is also an example of a role model mother who supports and inspires her children. She continues to visit and defend Al-Aqsa, accompanied by her four daughters and three sons, who have begun to follow in their mother's footsteps of belonging and defence. Khedr supports her children in their initiatives in "Arabism of Jerusalem," as she is, for example, a major supporter of her daughter "Alaa," who converts her camera photos of Al-Aqsa's daily life into paintings and artworks that she markets in Palestine and beyond.⁶⁶

4. Conclusion

The findings demonstrated that Ribat activities can take various forms to achieve the purpose of Ribat, which is to maintain a standing guard to defend the country and deter enemy attacks. The activities shown and analyzed in this study include but are not limited to, educational initiatives, such as the Murabitat' self-education by pursuing education at universities, teaching Qur'ān and Islamic teaching for those visiting Al-Aqsa to reinforcing Muslim remembrance of their holy mosques, and educating Al-Aqsa history for the young ones to raise awareness about injustice and occupation. Other activities include prayers in theAl-Aqsa Mosque, if possible, or at the closest place to Al-Aqsa that they may reach in light of the occupation's prohibition on Al-Aqsa entry. In addition, initiatives include coordinating visits to all martyr mothers, not only those in Jerusalem, as well as visiting the owners of demolished homes to assist and console them. Murabitat additionally takes part in solidarity protests with detainees and martyrs' families, as well as demonstrations opposing the illegal attacks on the Al-Aqsa Mosque.

The study also highlighted the creativity of Palestinian women in revealing solidarity with their own culture by protesting particularly through their traditional cuisine.This paper shows how Palestinian women serve traditional food such as Maqluba and Maamoul in the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque as a way to challenge the occupation. Another creative initiative is the preservation of heritage as a form of resistance, as exemplified by wearing traditional clothes and producing Palestinian traditional embroidery. These acts of resistance not only highlight the expression of defiance and resilience but also showcase the face of occupation and the preservation of cultural heritage.

The illustrations devoted to the two of the most highly prominent Murabitat in Al-Aqsa emphasise the empowerment of Muslim women and their role in participating in the socio-political aspects of their societies. Hence, this paper offers a fresh narrative on the status of Muslim women in leadership, more particularly the role of Muslim Palestinian women in community resilience and resistance to occupying powers that pose a threat to the very existence of the Palestinians. The findings contradict the negative portrayal of Muslim women in Western media and anti-Islamic activities since the study demonstrates that Palestinian women are portrayed as educated, powerful, fearless, respected, and appreciated. Hence, one could argue that Palestinian women are strong women battling for their liberation against occupation oppression, being courageous in the face of occupation threats and abuses, and serving as icon of Muslim women's resilience. Accordingly, the occupation realised its important role in sabotaging and disclosing its goals due to its presence, defence, strength, and steadfastness.

Furthermore, the paper examines the concept of Ribat through the lens of contemporary time, attempting to reconcile the idea of the old Ribat with the contemporary phenomena as observed in the Palestinian context. The researchers accordingly agreed that the empowerment of Muslims, particularly women, is a/ continuation of historical processes; rather than issues which may have recently emerged. One could conclude that the leadership of Muslim women in Islamic countries is still evolving, and slowly many societies are recognising that Muslim women can take leadership into the wider spectrum of societies that require leadership. Women in Islamic leadership are still being debated by scholars and due to misinterpretation or misuse of Islamic principles and teachings. Broadly speaking, some Muslim countries have recognised that Muslim women can serve the ummah at various levels of politics, economic, cultural, social, spiritual, community development, and civil welfare. Future researchers could study other forms of Ribat in other contexts. In addition, researchers might study Muslim women's empowerment in other conflict areas for further research endeavors.

Conflict of Interest

The author of the manuscript has no financial or non-financial conflict of interest in the subject matter or materials discussed in this manuscript.

Data Availability Statement

The data associated with this study will be provided by the corresponding author upon request.

Funding Details

This research did not receive a grant from any funding source or age