Musibau Olabamiji Oyebode*1, Aminu Umar2, Ebele Angela Udeoji2, Basil Okey Ibebunjo1, and Abel Inabo Obaka3
1The Department of Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution, National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja, Nigeria
2The Department of Political Science, National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja, Nigeria
3The Department of Economics, National Open University of Nigeria, Abuja Nigeria
The increasing rate of internal displacement in Nigeria has raised significant concerns regarding its impact on urban management. Forced migration is often seen as an outcome of unpalatable experience in migrants’ communities. This study aims to identify the factors driving mass internal migration to Kano and to explore the relationship between forced migration and the evolving socio-economic conditions in the city. The research employs a mixed-methods approach, including surveys with 1,000 respondents, interviews with 30 individuals, and six focus group discussions (FGDs). Discussion is anchored on Lee’s push-pull theory of migration. The analysis reveals that insurgency, banditry, communal conflicts over socio-economic space, and herders-farmers conflicts are major factors contributing to unprecedented internal displacement, with Kano emerging as a significant recipient of these migrants. Socio-economic life of Kano slums has been altered and migrants are exposed to various risks, including unemployment, hunger, disease, drug abuse and poor upbringing of the young ones. Uncertain future and danger looms ahead if proactive measures are not taken to address conflicts and insecurity in the northern Nigeria. The government should develop strategies to resolve these crises and facilitate the return of forced migrants to their communities, thereby mitigating the socio-economic disruptions in Kano.
Conflicts have significantly disrupted peace and security in northern Nigeria. These include the farmers-herders conflict in north-central Nigeria, which has led to protracted reprisal attacks resulting in thousands of deaths and injuries since 1999 (Ojo & Oyebode, 2018). Insurgency in the northeast has also killed thousands and displaced many since 2011, while the escalation and persistence of banditry in northern Nigeria from 2014 to the present continue to affect domestic security (Usman & Singh, 2023). In the same light, Okoli and Ugwu (2019) argue that violent crimes involving militancy, insurgency, and banditry in northern Nigeria have become a major threat to domestic security. Vulnerable groups, such as women, children, and the elderly, suffer the most from these attacks, with children at risk of being recruited into insurgency and banditry (Yabiliyok & Baniyet-Njei, 2023). These conflicts have increased forced migration into Kano and other major cities in the north.
Kano's geographical location and commercial viability make it a prime destination for migrants. Founded in the 7th century B.C. by blacksmiths from Gaya town, Kano became a cohesive political unit under Bagauda's leadership in 999 A.D. (Daneji, 2021). Located along the Trans-Sahara Trade Route, Kano has grown into the largest metropolitan city and business hub in northwest Nigeria, attracting migrants daily. In the last one decade, internally displaced persons continue to troop into Kano from the conflict-ridden regions of Northwest, Northeast and North central Nigeria (United Nations, 2000). While some of them are in the temporary camps, others mingle with the populace struggling to find livelihood and space for integration.
In developing economies like Nigeria, influx of migrants normally results in contestation for limited resources, infrastructures and job opportunities (Oyebode, 2021). Although, Kano remains relatively peaceful as integration of migrants from different nationalities is easier than in most other northern cities because of its cosmopolitan nature, however, pockets of conflicts pervade the periphery and urban centres. Most times, accusing fingers are pointed at new entrants into Kano as major source of conflict and insecurity (Daneji, 2021). Thus, there is a little ambivalence as to the degree of positivity of negativity of admitting new migrants into slum areas especially as they remain largely undocumented or profiled like their counterparts in IDP camps.
Debate continues regarding the economic, peace and security impacts of the upsurge of forced migrants into both the inner city and outskirts of Kano City. However, there is a paucity of empirical studies on the causes of forced migration to Kano and its socio-economic consequences. Using the push-pull theory, this research examines the immediate causes and triggers of forced migration and its impacts on Kano residents, focusing on the last decade. The study aims to investigate forced migration as a sociological phenomenon and its impact on urban settlements, particularly in areas that are receptive to new migrants. It seeks to provide insights into the causes, patterns, and socio-economic impacts of forced internal migration into Kano city, and how forced migrants can be effectively integrated into Kano society. The research questions include:
This study is sociologically significant as it helps understand the demographics of forced migration arising from conflicts and insecurity. It will also reveal how unplanned human movement into urban centers can alter settlement patterns, potentially leading to more volatile slums. Ensuring human security is the core of this study.
Human Migration: Migration refers to the movement of people from one place to another, either over long or short distances, with the intention of settling either permanently or temporarily (Opeyemi, 2021). Human migration is often driven by existential needs, referred to as human security, which includes economic, food, personal, health, community, political, and environmental security (United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security, 2016).
Major causes of migration include drought, hunger, flooding, earthquakes, war, and conflict (Giovetti, 2019). Thus, migration refers to purposeful movement of people, voluntarily or involuntarily from one location to another, either as a temporary measure or a permanent endeavour.
Internal Migration: Internal migration involves the movement of people within a country, either temporarily or permanently, to establish a new residence (United Nations, 2011). This movement can be voluntary or forced. Forced migration, also known as involuntary migration, occurs when individuals are compelled to leave their homes due to perceived or obvious danger and insecurity (Opeyemi, 2021). Forced migrants are people who flee their homes but remain within their country's borders, either staying in government-allocated IDP camps or mingling with local communities (Yabiliyok & Baniyet-Njei, 2023). In the light of this, internal migration is conceived as movement within the territory of a nation by citizens to seek new abode on a temporary or permanent basis.
Human Security: Human security focuses on all aspects of human existence, including safety, well-being, and freedom from threats, deviating from the state-centric perception of security. It encompasses health, food, employment, living standards, education, public confidence, and social tolerance (Rothschild, 1995).
Human security is a people-centered, comprehensive, context-specific, and prevention-oriented approach that strengthens the protection and empowerment of all people and communities (United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security, 2023). From the foregoing, succinctly put, human security is the absence of any threat to living of humans in geo-political space with freedom of choice as allowed in the constitution of a state.
Insurgency: Stepanova (2008) defines terrorism as violence that employs one-sided violent approach against civilians aimed at destabilising or overthrowing a constituted government through subversive means and armed conflict. It involves acts of terror against citizens to discredit the state's ability to provide security (Abimbola & Adesote, 2012).
Insurgency has plagued Nigeria for over a decade and a half, with Boko Haram insurgency resulting in over 20,375 deaths, significant economic losses, and undermining the military's capacity to protect Nigeria's territorial integrity (Omenma et al., 2020). Insurgents are, thus, enemies of the state and people. They undermine the exclusive power of the state and threaten livelihood and peace. Thus, insurgency is a violent, armed rebellion by non-state actors using guerrilla warfare primarily in rural areas to challenge state authority.
Banditry: Banditry involves organized marauding to create fear, loot property, and occupy space. It can be driven by socio-economic hardships and political turbulence (Driessen, 1983). Banditry from the viewpoint of theory of anomie is an organized criminal endeavour perpetrated by groups who unleash mayhem on innocent civilians in order to coarse them to submit their properties.
In Northern Nigeria, armed banditry includes village raids, highway robbery, kidnapping, and cattle rustling, often exacerbated by under-governed spaces, farmers-herders clashes, and climate change (Okoli & Ugwu, 2019). States suffering from banditry include Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto, Niger, Kaduna, Kebbi, and Abuja (Faruk & Abdullahi, 2022). Banditry in these states has challenged the capacity of the state to provide capacity for her people.
This section reviews existing empirical studies that deal with rate of rural-urban migration, forced migration and consequences of migration in general. This is aimed at creating a pedestal on which the findings of this study will stand either corroborating or negating existing findings as a means of extending knowledge on causes and consequences of forced migration.
Rural-urban migration is increasing, with expectations that three-fifths of the world's population will live in urban areas by 2030 (Stephens, 2000). Push factors such as armed conflicts and unemployment compel involuntary migration, while pull factors like job opportunities and better living conditions attract migrants to urban centers (Oyebode, 2021). Armed groups like ISGS, JNIM, and Boko Haram have driven locals from their homelands, contributing to over 2.7 million forced migrants in Nigeria by 2020 (Sasu, 2020). The implications of insecurity include the slowdown of the country's economic growth and development, worsened unemployment, increase in fear and a false sense of security and recourse to self-help by people and citizens (Olanrewaju et al., 2017).
Most recent studies have focused on international migration. For instance, a survey conducted by Duru (2021) reveals that causes of international migration in Nigeria include search for job opportunities, safety, security and improved standards of living while consequences are integrated development, cheap and surplus labour, multi-ethnic society and increased tolerance. These factors are equally relevant in explaining why people leave their ancestral homes and move to other cities, towns and villages within the territory of Nigeria. However, Omoroghomwan, Chris-Obadigie and Meluwa identify quest for development, desire for personal and social transformation as well as pursuit of sustainable development as factors that sustain migration aspiration of the people across ages.
Migrants face challenges such as hostility and adjustment difficulties in new locations, often being stigmatized and viewed with suspicion (Mooney, 2005). The pattern of urban settlement affects indigene-migrant relations, with compact or nucleated settlements prone to slums, insecurity, and poverty (Adedayo, 2011). In the last decade, internally displaced persons have continued to move into urban centres from conflict-ridden regions, leading to unprecedented urbanization and associated challenges such as congestion, unemployment, and pollution (Oyebode, 2021).
However, there is dearth of empirical studies on forced migrants or IDPs who stay outside camps in major cities of Nigeria. This study fills the gap in literature by investigating the causes of recent forced internal migration and its consequences in Kano city. It examines socio-spatial contestations as consequences of forced internal migration and explores mitigation options.
Understanding the forces driving migration involves exploring the push-pull theory. Push factors, such as unemployment, natural disasters, and political persecution, compel people to leave their homes, while pull factors, like job opportunities and better living conditions, attract them to new areas (Djelti, 2017; Lee, 1966). Push factors often result from structural violence, diminishing the quality of life and forcing migration (Galtung, 1960).
Pull factors include search for better opportunities and living conditions, attracting migrants to urban centers and industrialized cities. The push-pull theory helps explain the causes of forced migration and the factors influencing migrants' decision to stay in new locations despite challenges (Nikou & Luukkonen, 2023). This theory clearly explains unpalatable insecurity that forced migrants to flee to Kano and their reluctance to leave Kano because of relative reprieve and sense of safety they now enjoy.
Migration generates new relationships and interactions, which can have positive or negative consequences. Social conflict theory highlights the negative outcomes of migration, such as competition for resources, while functionalism emphasizes positive outcomes, such as increased productivity and social networks (Haas, 2007; Noriega, 2022). These counterviewing theories are good in capturing paradox of migration to Kano as a social phenomenon constantly revealing novel experiences to hosts and guests. Oyebode (2021) finds that"in modem societies, most host communities see migrants as intruders who have come to exploit their God given resources rather than people who have come to add value". This perception of hosts is not totally true as migrants in the long run contribute to socio-economic development of their new homes.
On the other hand, migrants tend to suspect the hosts as being unfriendly to them. Again, this may be borne out of apprehension. Thus, contradictions arising from internal migration for both the migrants and receiving communities are better viewed from the prisms of different theories. Using triangulated theoretical concepts provide lens in developing research focus, questionnaire and interview guide as well as connecting findings to changing social reality in Kano slums as a result of influx of forced migrants.
This study employs a mixed-methods approach, integrating both quantitative and qualitative methods to provide a comprehensive understanding of forced internal migration into Kano city. The triangulation method, combining surveys, interviews, and focus group discussions (FGDs), was adopted to enhance the validity and reliability of the findings.
Quantitative Data
A structured questionnaire was designed to gather data from migrants. This questionnaire included both closed and open-ended questions to capture a wide range of responses.
Qualitative Data
In-depth Interviews conducted with key informants to gain detailed insights. Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) held with different groups to understand community dynamics and perspectives.
Primary Data
Collected through questionnaires, interviews, and FGDs.
Secondary Data
Sourced from articles, journals, books, and internet materials.
Population and Sample Size
The study population comprises the entire city of Kano, with an estimated population of 4,219,000 in 2022. A multi-stage sampling technique was employed for this study. Stratified sampling was used to ensure representation of all demographic segments of the migrant population. Random sampling was used to select a representative sample of 1,000 migrants for the questionnaire. Purposive sampling was used to ensure representation from six specific slums and categories of respondents necessary for the study. Open-ended questions were included in the questionnaire to capture nuanced responses.
Questionnaires were distributed across six sites within Kano:
In-depth interviews were conducted with 30 interviewees, and six FGDs were held, each consisting of six participants.
Data collectors were trained thoroughly to ensure consistency. A pre-test of the questionnaire was carried out to ensure clarity and relevance. The researchers managed the distribution and collection of the questionnaires. Interviews and FGDs were directly conducted by the researcher and recorded on tape for transcription.
Quantitative data were analyzed using SPSS software. Descriptive statistics, including percentages and mean scores, were presented in tables and bar charts. For qualitative data, thematic analysis was employed to interpret data from interviews and FGDs, integrating qualitative findings into the discussion of results.
Permission to conduct this research was obtained from the leaders of communities where this study was carried. Cooperation of migrants was also sought and obtained. The purpose of the research was explained to respondents in both English and Hausa languages. They were assured of confidentiality and that is why this study does not carry any pictorial representations of people, abodes and conditions of living of respondents.
Modern-day Kano State has been the site of some prior kingdoms and empires, including the Kingdom of Kano, which was centered in Dalla Hill and existed from around 1000 AD to date. In 1349, the Sultanate of Kano was established, with Yaji I as its first Sultan. In the 15th century, Kurmi Market was opened, which helped Kano become a center of commercial activity in Hausaland. This market remains operational in the 21st century and Kano is often referred to as"the Centre of Commerce" due to its historical significance.
The major ethnic groups in pre-colonial Kano City were the Hausa, Fulani, Beriberi (Kanuri), Tuareg, Arab, Nupe, and some tribes from southern Nigeria. Most people in Kano city have come to use the Hausa language as a first language and some have accepted Hausa as an ethnic identification. In 1903, the British Empire conquered the Kano Emirate, integrating it into the Northern Nigeria Protectorate.
Kano, as a city-state, came to embody the entire Kano Emirate whose evolution is referred to in a loose framework for preliminary classification in the development of the emirate as a city in a linear fashion of being a ritual, administrative, mercantile, scholastic, colonial and media hub (Daneji, 2021).
Kano State was created in 1967 out of the former Northern Region with a total land area of 20,760sq kilometers and a population of 9,383,682 (2006 provisional result) (Isah et al., 2021). It is the second most populous state in Nigeria, behind Lagos State. The State borders Katsina State to the northwest, Jigawa State to the northeast, Bauchi State to the southeast, and Kaduna State to the southwest. It is made up of forty-four local government areas, namely: Ajingi, Albasu, Bagwai, Bebeji, Bichi, Bunkure, Dala, Dambatta, Dawakin Kudu, DawakinTofa, Doguwa, Fagge, Gabasawa, Garko, Garum Mallam, Gaya, Gezawa, Gwale, Gwarzo, Kabo, Kano Municipal, Karaye, Kibiya, Kiru, kumbotso, Kunchi, Kura, Madobi, Makoda, Minjibir, Nasarawa, Rano, RiminGado, Rogo, Shanono, Sumaila, Takai, Tarauni, Tofa, Tsanyawa, Tudun Wada, Ungogo, Warawa and Wudil (Ibid).
The study focuses on four Local Government Areas: Fagge, Kumbotso, Nasarawa and Tarauni Local Government Areas. Fagge Local Government Area (LGA) is located within the greater Kano area. Its headquarters are in the suburb of Waje. The population of Fagge LGA which is characterized as high density is estimated at 1.4 million with most of the people living in a relatively small land area (Isah et al., 2021). Kumbotso LGA headquarters is Kumbotso. It has an area of 158 km2 and a population of 295, 979, and a projection of 409,500 as of 2016 population projection. Nassarawa LGA was carved out from the old Kano Municipal LGA, Kano State, Nigeria. Its headquarters are in the locality of Bompai, within the city of kano. It has an area of 34 km2 and a population of 678,669. Tarauni LGA has its administrative headquarters located at Unguwa Uku. It covers an area of 28 km2 and population of 221, 367 at the 2006 census. The LGA shares boundaries with Nasarawa LGA to the North, Kumbotso LGA to the east and south, it is also bounded to the west by Kano Municipal Council (Mshelia et al., 2020).
A total of 1,000 questionnaires were distributed for the study, of which 863 were returned. Eighty-one copies of the questionnaire were not correctly filled while the remaining 56 copies were not returned. This implies that 86% of the questionnaires were validly filled and returned, 8% being incorrectly filled, and the remaining 6% not being returned. Therefore, the data analyses were based on the 863 questionnaires that were correctly filled and returned. The findings from these questionnaires will be complemented with outcomes from interviews, FGDs and secondary data.
Table 1
Gender Characteristics of Migrants
Gender |
Frequency |
Percentage (%) |
Male |
326 |
38 |
Female |
537 |
62 |
Total |
863 |
100.0 |
Responses in table 1 indicate that 38% of forced migrants were male, while 62% were females, showing a higher number of females than males in the make-shift abodes covered by the study. Earlier empirical studies have also demonstrated that females are the most vulnerable in conflict situation (Abimbola & Adesote, 2012). Another fact is that in the northern part of Nigeria, men marry two, three or four wives and in conflict or insecurity situations these women flee with their husbands to new places.
Table 2
Age Distribution of Migrants
Age |
Frequency |
Percentage (%) |
Below 20 years |
157 |
18 |
21-30 years |
275 |
32 |
31-40 years |
207 |
24 |
41-50 years |
177 |
21 |
51-60 years |
29 |
3 |
61 years and above |
18 |
2 |
Total |
863 |
100.0 |
A significant percentage of the migrants, (32%) were aged between 21-30 years, closely followed by 31-40 years age group (24%). This implies that many of the migrants are young people of productive ages, who should be contributing to the economic growth of the society but displacement has deprived them of the opportunity. This validates findings of previous studies that conflict and insecurity cause displacement of labour (Opeyemi, 2022).
Table 3
Geo-Political Zones of Migrants
Geo-political zones |
Frequency |
Percentage (%) |
Northeast |
299 |
35 |
Northwest |
226 |
26 |
Northcentral |
198 |
23 |
Southwest |
63 |
7 |
Southeast |
48 |
6 |
South-south |
29 |
3 |
Total |
863 |
100 |
A significant percentage of the respondents (35%) were from the Northeast, closely followed by Northwest (26%) and Northcentral in that order with (23%). Others are from Southwest (7%), Southeast (6%) and South-South (3%). This corroborates findings from studies that northeast has experienced displacement of people the most in the last one decade in Nigeria (Ezeani et al., 2021). and banditry in the northwest is trailing behind in the production of IDPs (Akinyetun, 2022).
Table 4
Occupation of Migrants
Occupation |
Frequency |
Percentage (%) |
Unemployed |
273 |
27 |
Civil Servant |
71 |
8 |
Trader |
98 |
12 |
Agric sector- Farmers and Herders |
457 |
53 |
Total |
863 |
100 |
The occupations of the respondents are represented in the table above. It is evident that 53 % of the respondents are engaged in the agricultural sector (farming and herding), 27% are unemployed while 8% are civil servants and 12% are traders. As rightly observed, the consequences of displacement of persons from agricultural areas especially in rural communities are shortage of food crops and exorbitant prices (Faruk & Abdullahi, 2022). For instance, the northcentral has been a hotspot of contestation between farmers and herders (Ojo & Oyebode, 2018) while banditry in the northcentral has led to cattle rustling and reprisal attacks (Ojewale, 2021).
Table 5
Voluntary or Forced Migration to Kano City
Nature of Migration |
Frequency |
Percentage (%) |
Forced |
796 |
92 |
Voluntary |
67 |
8 |
Total |
863 |
100 |
The table above shows the nature of migration whether voluntary or forced. It could be observed that majority (92%) were forced to migrate from their homes to Kano city while 8% were not. This is represented in the graph below:
Figure 1
Bar Chart of Voluntary or Forced Migration to Kano City
Table 6
Causes of Migration
Cause of Migration |
Frequency |
Percentage (%) |
Generally Poor economic conditions |
63 |
7 |
Natural Disaster |
40 |
5 |
Insecurity/Conflict situations |
748 |
87 |
Others |
12 |
1 |
Total |
863 |
100 |
This table shows the problems that pushed these people out of their homes to Kano slums and make-shift camps. It is noted that 87% of the respondents left their homes as a result of insecurity and conflict situations ravaging their communities. This finding validates studies by Abimbola and Adesote (2012) and Olapeju and Peter (2021). This is illustrated in the chart below:
Figure 2
Bar Chart of Causes of Migration
Table 7
Types of Conflict and Insecurity in the Migrants"Ancestral Homes
Types |
Frequency |
Percentage (%) |
Banditry |
263 |
30 |
Insurgency |
428 |
50 |
Cattle rustling |
88 |
10 |
Farmer-herder conflict |
52 |
6 |
Community conflict |
32 |
4 |
Total |
863 |
100.0 |
Figure 3
Bar Chart of Types of Conflict and Insecurity
Table 7 shows the types of conflicts which are major push factors. It could be noted that 50% of the respondents left their homes for Kano as a result of insurgency ravaging their communities. Also, 30% left due to the activities of the bandits while 10% left because of cattle rustling. This is illustrated in the Figure 3.
Table 8
Consequences on Socio-economic Life in Kano City
No. |
Problems and conflict associated with Migration to slums |
SA |
A |
UD |
SD |
D |
Mean |
Decision |
1 |
Ethnic affiliations bring suspicion. |
342 |
229 |
54 |
173 |
65 |
2.95 |
Agree |
2 |
Increase in diseases and morbidity is now noticeable in Kano. |
327 |
266 |
17 |
169 |
84 |
2.93 |
Agree |
3 |
Children are now exposed to danger and poor upbringing in Kano. |
312 |
329 |
19 |
109 |
194 |
2.90 |
Agree |
4 |
Jobs not enough for dwellers and Migrants in Kano. |
337 |
297 |
33 |
127 |
69 |
2.87 |
Agree |
5 |
Contestation for few jobs available leads to violence. |
297 |
259 |
15 |
173 |
119 |
2.85 |
Agree |
6 |
Joblessness as a major problem faced by Kano dwellers and migrants leads to frustration and aggression. |
410 |
245 |
7 |
129 |
73 |
2.96 |
Agree |
7 |
Migrants and hosts in Kano are prone to quarrels, clash and fights. |
344 |
245 |
19 |
167 |
88 |
2.93 |
Agree |
8 |
Cases of human right abuse and intimidation by the law enforcement agents are common. |
323 |
298 |
62 |
212 |
58 |
2.75 |
Agree |
9 |
Addition of migrants to Kano population worsens high-rate of drug abuse |
314 |
269 |
89 |
152 |
139 |
2.70 |
Agree |
10 |
Addition of migrants to Kano city worsens high-rate of crimes. |
376 |
238 |
44 |
98 |
107 |
2.73 |
Agree |
11 |
Addition of migrants to slum areas heightened cultural rivalry in Kano society. |
245 |
239 |
26 |
156 |
197 |
2.68 |
Agree |
12 |
Sexual harassments and gender-based violence is now rampant in Kano. |
198 |
248 |
76 |
145 |
96 |
2.72 |
Agree |
13 |
Addition of migrants to Kano city worsens chaotic and close-knit nature of housing. |
285 |
248 |
86 |
7 |
67 |
2.80 |
Agree |
Table 8 shows mean scores of 2.95, 2.93, 2.90, 2.87, 2.85. 2.96, 2.93, 2.75, 2.70, 2.73, 2.68, 2.72, and 2.80. The problems include exposure to rising ethnic affiliations, high disease and morbidity, poor upbringing of children among others.
Majority of the migrants were from the Northeast and Northwest. This finding conforms with earlier position in scholarship that insecurity is a key push factor for forced migration (Opeyemi, 2022; Olapeju & Peter, 2021; Omenma et al., 2020). The findings also reveal that majority of the migrants were forced out of their communities, primarily from the northeast followed by the northwest. The migrants came from different states with different stories of conflicts which they were allowed to tell during FGDs. Most of the affected people are farmers and unemployed youths residing in rural areas. Interviewees in the agricultural sector lamented loss of means of livelihood.
Majority of the respondents to questionnaire (*90%) and 27 interviewees claimed that they have suffered from insurgents, cattle rustlers and bandits who have deprived them of safety and livelihoods. This is expected because Boko Haram insurgency that started in 2009 has ravaged Borno, Yobe, Adamawa, Bauchi, Gombe and Taraba. Other non-state actors troubling peace in the northeast include Islamic State of West Africa and bandit groups. In the last six years bandits have disrupted security in the northwest. Farmers-herders conflict and cattle rustling have also contributed the displacement of persons in northcentral Nigeria (Ojo & Oyebode, 2018). These findings attest to the fact that insecurity has been variously established in literature as a major push factor of internal displacement and forced migration (Abimbola & Adesote, 2012; Akinyetun, 2022; Ezeani et al., 2021; Oyebode, 2021). FGDs 3 and 5 participants wanted to integrate into Kano society and seek livelihoods there.
When most of the migrants arrived to Kano over the past decade, they did not go to IDs camp but rather they settled in slum areas, farmland and plots owned by individuals with or without permission. The slums in Kano have had compounded problems since the arrival of forced migrants. Upsurge in population results in overcrowding, poor hygiene and novel security concerns. The foregoing aligns with the postulation that in most developing nations, in drove of migrants poses major threats to the achievement of sustainable development goals in many urban settings due to detrimental environmental planning and practices, intensive resource consumption and poor management policies (United Nations, 2022). As a result of these hardships, 23 interviewees expressed a strong desire to go back home. FGDs 1, 2, 4 and 5 participants unanimously expressed willingness to go back to their cropping and herding activities as soon as government is able to address and overcome the issue of insurgency and banditry.
Unplanned migration comes along with so many challenges, such as accommodation and livelihood issues, that impact the sociological wellbeing of people. One of the most disturbing issues is adapting to a new lifestyle in an unfamiliar environment. Most of the migrants are farmers with no urban skills required to secure a well-paying job. This makes it difficult to meet their needs and even plan for the future. The migrants find means of sustenance by taking up all sort of menial jobs. In the end they supply unskilled labour to the Kano community thus contesting limited job opportunities with hosts. This contestation has led to unhealthy rivalries and at times skirmishes. These findings align with previous studies"findings in the context of rural-urban migration which asserted that in developing economies most migrants are useful as unskilled labourers who contest limited job opportunities with natives and this results in unhealthy rivalry (Adedayo, 2011; Hirschman, 2005; Suberu, 1996). It has also been established that the jobless natives and migrants in most growing urban centres across Africa become nuisance to security through engagement in crimes as a means of eking a living (Oni & Okunade, 2018; Stone, 1975). Thirteen interviewees claimed they have been booed by co-labourers on site while FGDs participants said they live on charity from their family members who have earlier migrated voluntarily to urban centre across Nigeria
Migrants face difficulty in sending their children to school. Therefore, poor upbringing of children is a natural consequence of unplanned migration. This situation can be likened to planting a time bomb because sooner than later these untrained children will become social miscreants. Children who participated in the FGDs expressed willingness to go back to school. The problem is exacerbated by drug peddling and consumption in those slums and temporary abodes. The future of children who are exposed to illicit drug consumption is said to be bleak (Ojewale, 2021). Twenty-two interviewees and all the FGDs participants agreed that hard drugs consumption in Kano emboldens users to commit heinous crimes that invariably pose serious threat to human security.
By and large, findings validate the assertion that the complexity of migrants"experiences from heterogeneous components of environmental vagaries of new abode, and dynamic interactions among migrants, hosts, and governments in Nigerian cities has resulted in novel governance challenges. This is to say the least that forced migration brings about consequences that are capable of destroying social fabrics if not tamed and arrested. This is only possible if the remote and proximate causes of involuntary migration are addressed.
In order to ensure social safety of forced migrants to Kano City there is an urgent need to expand the capacity of IDPs camps in Kano State to accommodate displaced persons. Profiling of forced migrants in their temporary abodes should also be carried out. This will enable government to provide succour and palliatives for them to cushion the effect of unexpected flight.
The menaces of insurgents and bandits have been trending for some years, and respondents believe that the government is not doing enough to address these prolonged crises to enable forced migrant go back to resettle in their ancestral communities. Governments at the state and federal levels are been called upon to address infrastructures that will create employment opportunities and redirect the attention of youths from criminality.
Rural policing should be given priority in order to check the ongoing alteration of the demographics of food producing communities. Focus on metropolitan security architecture has led to the neglect of rural areas and consequent ungoverned spaces. This is why bandits and insurgents have found safe havens in forested areas. It is posited by discussants that employment of more security personnel and engagement of community-based intelligence will go a long way to drive away individual criminals and armed groups.
Forced migration is an unplanned phenomenon that disrupts socio-economic environment of migrants and hosts. Involuntary migration and attendant difficulties in adjusting to new locations were the major concerns of this study. The study also examined the dynamics of human security in the city of Kano against the causes of migration, expectations and realities, and found a great nexus between forced migration dire consequences of socio-economic life of urban centres.
Increase in the population of Kano City due to influx of migrants who were forced out of their communities has heightened contestations for socio-economic space that is currently msarkerd by scarcity. Residents within Kano are facing a lot of challenges ranging from joblessness, hunger and uncertain future while the migrants feel the effects most.
The federal government and states need to take decisive action against the insurgency and banditry. Since most of these criminals are well known in their communities; local intelligence should be tapped to hunt them down. Communities need to take responsibility and report any undesirable behaviour of their locals to law enforcement agents to wipe out bad elements in the society. Efforts must be geared towards making communities where people have fled safe for them to return home to be able to contribute meaningfully to the development of their states and the nation at large.
This study has contributed to discourse and empirical studies on forced migration as unpalatable social phenomenon that arises as a result of debilitating security, conflict and human greed. It has also furthered discussion on consequences of forced migration using conceptual, theoretical and investigation of Kano as a recipient of forced migrants and opened lead way for further studies on migration as a reality of modern society. Unplanned urban growth arising from influx of forced migrants is brought to the fore in this study.
The author of the manuscript has no financial or non-financial conflict of interest in the subject matter or materials discussed in this manuscript.
The data associated with this study will be provided by the corresponding author upon request.