Durdana Rafiq1,2*, and Akhtar Aziz2
1Department of English University of Turbat and PhD scholar International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan
2Department of English and Chairperson Center for Language Teaching, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan
Folktales, as stories in the oral tradition, have remained an essential genre in the folklore of all great civilizations of the past. Balochi folktales are the foundation of their culture, history, and practices. This paper aims to analyze how native and non-native transcreators have depicted Baloch cultural tradition in the selected folktales transcreated in English. For this study five books of Balochi folklore with translations in English were chosen. The study draws upon McNeill's (2013) cultural tradition theory, serving as a macro-level framework for the analysis of selected folktales. Additionally, Dell Hymes' sociolinguistics method of S.P.E.A.K.I.N.G (Hymes, 1972, 1974, 1989, 1996, 2003, 2004) has been employed to acquire micro-level tools for the analysis of the transcreated Balochi folktales. The primary objective of this study is to explore how significant cultural norms within the Baloch community, have been portrayed in English translations of Balochi folktales. It encompasses an analysis of key tribal codes among the Baloch, including Bahoot, Haal, Misthaagi, Meid, the status of women, vows, bier, Shigaan, Lajjo Mayar, Mehr, and war ethics, as identified by Dashti (2019). The analysis has shown that Baloch cultural traditions within the selected Balochi folktales underscore distinctions between native and non-native transcreators. Both natives and non-natives have depicted these traditions, but native transcreators offer a more nuanced and culturally authentic representation. Moreover, using Dell Hymes' sociolinguistics method of S.P.E.A.K.I.N.G in the collections of tales has reinforced the argument that the collectors had different motivations while collecting and translating these tales, presenting a specific image of Baloch to their intended audience.
Folktales, as stories in the oral tradition, have remained an essential genre in the folklore of all great civilizations of the past. Apart from being told by professional storytellers, the stories were told and heard by the common folk in their social gatherings. Each one of us is thus familiar with some popular folktales of our culture and these stories have remained a source of entertainment for kids and grown-ups alike. These stories have continued to be passed down from generation to generation within a community from very old times. These stories have also continued to be reshaped and altered over time, as each successive generation adds its flavor to these tales. The preservation of these tales in the form of writing, however, has seemed to restrict the openness and flexibility of the oral tradition and their translations seem to have affected their indigeneity. The translators, no doubt, are doing a great service in spreading these tales to a global audience, but during the process, they may be influenced by their own cultural, political, and social biases and assumptions about the cultural contexts of the stories.
The declining art of storytelling and limited analysis of Balochi folktales have resulted in the loss of their original spirit and a narrow interpretation of their cultural significance. This poses a critical challenge to the preservation and transmission of cultural traditions in these tales. The relationship between the text and context of these tales is not well understood, leading to a limited understanding of the role that context plays in the preservation and transmission of cultural traditions (Agha, 2006; Hymes, 1972; Kuipers, 2014). It is generally believed that a lot gets lost in the process of translation, but it is probably more so with the process of transcreation, which is a kind of retelling of the original text. This study aims at analyzing the extent of that loss, if any, in the Balochi folktales transcreated in English.
Folktale is a story that comes under the umbrella term ‘Folklore’. Folktales are oral stories transmitted through generations, encompassing various cultural themes, values and beliefs of society. The important thing is that these stories are still circulating among us. If they were not important, they would simply disappear. However, it would not be exaggerated to say that folktales are declining as well as growing. Folktales serve as a unique source of information for the studies of culture. Folktales originated from people in a different social context. Initially it was believed that folktales were stories of oral tradition that were composed by people belonging to rural areas who were usually un-educated, but according to folklorists like Dundes (1980), everyone is folk. Everyone is living a folk life, both formally and informally. Folktales are oral in nature, having different versions of the same tale, and the author of most of the tales is unknown.
Stephens and McCallum (2013) believe that retold stories have a significant role in cultural functions. Similarly, Nwaozuzu et al. (2013) consider that folktales provide a window to the values and social norms of a region. People are surrounded by these folktales that help them to view the world through their experiences. According to Taylor (2000), initially it was assumed that folktales were used to entertain children. This assumption led to a misconception. He further said that the simple language of the folktales may appeal to children, but they are also embedded with universal themes which are relevant to all humanity. Moreover, the study also highlighted that folktales touch on every dimension of human experience. As a matter of fact, Taylor’s (2000) work successfully counters the stereotype that fairy tales are only for children. The claim that myths deal with universal issues broadens the perspective and suggests a deeper cultural understanding. Similarly, Amali (2014), believed that the worth of folktales in any traditional society cannot be neglected. This genre of folk literature imparts knowledge in the field of education, religion, sociology and anthropology. She further added that despite all this significance, this genre is near to extinction. Regardless of that, folktales also play a pivotal role in the 21st century. It helps children to raise their voices against any vices or injustices in society. However, the claim that the legendary genre is on the verge of extinction is frightening. As this issue adds urgency to the discussion, the study would benefit from examining the factors contributing to this slowdown. Are there specific challenges, such as changes in oral tradition or social changes that threaten the survival of the tale? According to Agha and Ugochi (2023), folktales help to inculcate certain moral values in children at an early age. It inculcates virtues such as gratitude, hospitality, bravery, patriotism and loyalty to their native land. This belief is consistent with the traditional view of fairy tales as a means of transmitting cultural and moral principles.
Like other provinces of Pakistan, Balochistan also has rich reservoirs of folklore. According to Khan (2004), the entire life of a Baloch revolves around the codes of conduct of Baloch tribal life. This tradition is with them from cradle to grave. He further highlights that every occasion in the family is celebrated with the practice of folklore. Badal Khan’s (2004) approach is consistent with existing literature that emphasizes the importance of tribal law in the Baloch society. The widespread discussion on the central role of cultural traditions in shaping social norms can be accommodated by the recognition that these laws are embedded in every aspect of Baloch life.
In addition, Shad (2000), claims that heroic poems hold a very significant place in Balochi culture. The themes of heroic poems are still celebrated and appreciated by the people, and these heroic poems teach moral lessons of bravery, courage and protection to the younger generation of the Baloch community. Additionally, Khan (2013), also believes that the entire life of a Baloch, from cradle to grave revolves around the codes of conduct of Baloch cultural life. Khaliq (2021) underscores the importance of Balochi folklore in the Baloch society saying that Balochi folklore is like a bird that will never stop its plight. It will survive and continue to expand as long as people remain alive. Bakht (2009) mentions in his article that Balochi folktales focus on the martial and social traditions of the Baloch. He asserts that Baloch tradition needs to be transferred to the youth. They should remember the glorious past of their ancestors. He further adds that the oral traditions of the Baloch represent a complete code of life encompassing all fields of life. Folktales are believed to be the major source of understanding Baloch culture and tradition. However, Bakht’s emphasis on transmitting Baloch traditions to the youth raises questions about the processes and challenges associated with this transmission of information. How can oral tradition best reach and embrace younger generations? The applicability of the article would be enhanced by discussing practical ways to participate in the preservation of Baloch traditions.
These studies provide a nuanced understanding of the relationship between storytelling and cultural preservation. According to Vieira (2012) the term transcreation was used by Brazilian translator Campos. He believed that transcreation does not only deal with the reproduction of the original text but rather with the use of local tradition in the translation process. In the same way in his essay Transcreating Translation: An Indian mode, Mukherjee (1997) claims that transcreation is a mode of translation. He further adds that the word ‘Transcreation’ has been used in the works of Indian writers in the last fifty years by different writers. According to Saville and Troike (2008), Hymes' model of S.P.E.A.K.I.N.G is an authentic method that deals with the units of communicative behavior and relationships with context.
The identified gap in the literature is the insufficient exploration of how these specific sociolinguistic, transcreative, and creative elements interact within the domain of Balochi folktales. The study aims to explore these uncharted areas to offer a more comprehensive understanding of the sociolinguistic dynamics inherent in Balochi folk tales.
The design of this study is descriptive, as its purpose is to describe and interpret the data collected on the subject matter (Creswell, 2021). In this study, the data is gathered from secondary sources, specifically English-translated books on Balochi folklore. The selection comprises five books, notably "Popular Poetry of the Baloches" volumes 1 and 2 (Dames, 1907), along with an article titled "Balochi Folklore" (Dames, 1902). It's worth noting that both these sources were crafted prior to the partition of the Sub-Continent. The remaining four books were chosen from the post-partition era and authored by native speakers of Balochistan: "Searchlights on Baloches and Balochistan" by Justice (R) Khuda Baksh Marri, published in 1974 (Marri, 1974), "Literary History of the Baluches" by Muhammad Sardar Khan Baluch, published in 1977 (Baluch, 1977), and "The Baloch Cultural Heritage" by Jan Muhammad Dashti (Dashti, 2019), initially published in 1982 and republished in 2019. Additionally, for comparative reference, the researcher has incorporated the book "Chakaar" by Yaqoob Amil (Amil, 2001), written in Balochi and published in 2001. The sample consists of selected heroic tales of Doda and Balach.
Theoretical FrameworkThis research is interdisciplinary and leverages key concepts from folklore, sociolinguistics, and translation studies. According to Creswell (2021), triangulation refers to the use of multiple methods, theories and data sources to study a phenomenon in order to increase the validity and reliability of the research findings. In this study both methodological and theoretical triangulation has been used by the researcher in order to get clear and balanced view of selected folktales.
This research has taken theoretical support from McNeill’s (2013) theory of cultural tradition in the study of folklore as a macro-level framework for the analysis of the selected folktales. Her study focuses on the relationship between folklore and tradition and how they are passed on from one generation to the next. According to McNeill (2013), cultural tradition deals with the values, beliefs and codes of conduct within communities. In this study, cultural tradition deals with the collective knowledge of the Baloch, their folklore reflecting the values and beliefs of the community. This study aims to deal with the important norms of behavior among the Baloch community, particularly as depicted by English-transcreated Balochi folktales. This study involves an analysis of important tribal codes among the Baloch such as Bahoot, Haal, Misthaagi, Meid, The status of women, Vows, Bier, Shigaan, Lajjo Mayar, Mehr, and War ethics within Balochi folktales, as identified by Dashti (2019).
Bassnett (2013) suggests that translation is never neutral and is always influenced by the cultural and political environment in which it occurs (Bassnett, 2013). She further elaborates that, “Translation, so fundamental to perspective and interpretation… is not easy, especially when members of one party consider the other inferiors and infidels” (p. 306). The ideas discussed above are relevant to the discussion of my study, as the nature of the source language (Balochi) is very different from the nature of the target language (English) in this study.
The researcher has incorporated Dell Hymes' sociolinguistic method known as S.P.E.A.K.I.N.G (Hymes, 1972, 1974, 1989, 1996, 2003, 2004) to access the micro-level tool for studying transcreated Balochi folktales. The acronym S.P.E.A.K.I.N.G encompasses components such as Setting, Participants, Ends, Act sequence, Key, Instrumentalities, Norms, and Genre. The researcher has used Hymes' S.P.E.A.K.I.N.G model as a methodological tool to compare the source text of Balochi folktales to the English transcreated versions. By applying the S.P.E.A.K.I.N.G model, the researcher aims to study how the English transcreated Balochi folktales differ from the source text in terms of their setting, participants, purposes, progression of events, methods used, cultural norms and genre.
The researcher has also used the transcreation method developed by Purushottama Lal. Transcreation involves adapting a text from one language and culture to another while maintaining its original meaning and cultural significance. This method involves three steps: reconciliation, editing, and transmutation. The texts are transcreated because they are not translated word for word, rather the cultural significance of the texts is maintained by the translators.
The heroic ballad of Doda and Balach is a tale that every Baloch is familiar with. Its significance extends beyond the protection of a Baloch lady; the story encapsulates some of the most vital traditions of the Baloch society. It portrays the bravery, boldness, and unwavering determination of two brothers and their mother in their stand against those who seek to deceive or falsify.
The central figures in the story are Doda, Balach, their mother, Sammi, and the raiders who targeted Sammi's livestock. Doda held a dual role, serving not only as Balach's older brother but also as the protector and caretaker of a wealthy woman named Sammi, in accordance with Baloch tradition and customs. When Sammi's cattle were stolen by some tribesmen, it prompted Doda's mother to scold him, despite his recent marriage and joyful days with his bride. She questioned the quality of protection he was providing if such thefts could occur. Doda immediately rushed after the raiders and successfully recovered the stolen herd. However, upon his return, he was ambushed and killed, invoking the Balochi code of a protector's duty.
His younger brother, just a teenager at the time, vowed to exact revenge for the bloodshed of his elder brother, regardless of the cost and consequences.
While the heroic ballad of Doda and Balach may initially appear to be a story of protecting Sammi from her raiders, it is, in fact, a rich embodiment of the entire and renowned Baloch code of conduct. This story encompasses elements of protection, taunting, revenge, and the solemn vows that the characters and participants exemplified through their actions and deeds. Among these characters, the role of Balach stands out prominently, and as a result, he is celebrated as a symbol of courage and optimism in the history and tradition of the Baloch people. The story of Doda and Balach conveys a clear message: in Baloch tradition, there is no acceptable excuse for not upholding the code of conduct, regardless of one's circumstances or prevailing situations.
The ballad is analyzed to discuss how the selected Baloch codes of conduct are represented by both native and non-native transcreators in the heroic ballad of Doda and Balach. The study has also explored the choices made by the transcreators in terms of edition, omission, and reinterpretation of cultural traditions, to fit the target language and culture, while preserving its essence and major themes.
The initial element in Hymes' SPEAKING model is "setting," which primarily encompasses two significant subcomponents: time and place, along with the contextual backdrop of the narrative. Upon an analysis of the setting within the Doda and Balach heroic ballad, notable disparities emerge in the storytelling between indigenous and non-indigenous authors chosen for the study.
According to Aamil (2001), Doda, the older sibling of Balach, served as the leader of the Gorgej tribe and resided in a place called "Garm Aap" in Balochistan. While there are several locations named "Garm Aap" in Balochistan, the consensus tends to lean towards Lasbela and Dera Bugti. Aamil (2001) narrated this as:
دودا بالاچءِ مسترین برات ءُ گورگیج ٹکءِ سردار ءُ کماش ات۔ آ بلوچ ڈیھءِ 'گرم آپ ' نامیں ھندے ءِنندوکے ات۔ گرم آپ نامیں ھند بلوچ ڈیھءِ بازیں ھنداں ھست بلے لسبیلہ ءُ ڈیرہ بگٹیءِ نامءَ باز مردم بیسگ دارانت۔ بانک سمیءِ لوگ واجہ وتی وھدءُ باریگءِ شریں ءُ نامداریں، مالدارے زانگ بوتگ ات۔ چہ لوگ واجہ ءِ مرگءَ پد دراھین مال ءُ دلوت سمیءِ بھرءَ اتکگ انت۔ آھی جنوزامی ءُ بے سہاریءَ چہ بیبرگ پُژ ءَ آھی مال و دلوتاںءَ وتی چمءِ چیرءَ کت۔(p. 625)
Doda, the older sibling of Balach, served as the leader of the Gorgej tribe and resided in a place called "Garm Aap" in Balochistan. While there are several locations named "Garm Aap" in Balochistan, the consensus tends to lean towards Lasbela and Dera Bugti. Sammi's husband was a well-known and affluent individual during his lifetime. Following his passing, Sammi inherited all of her late husband's assets. Being a widow, and in a vulnerable position, Sammi's herds and cattle became the target of opportunistic individuals, like Bevarg Puzh. (p. 652)
In his book, Dames (1907) mentioned the name of ‘Garm Aap’, moreover, he recounted the narrative as the conflict between Doda and the Buledis. In contrast to the subsequent Baloch native writer, he provided a detailed and well-segmented portrayal of the story along with its sources. Furthermore, he went on to explicitly describe each source. He maintained the narrative's summary and introduction in line with the accounts of the sources in the later stages. His summarized version of the story is as follows:
Doda Gorgej is celebrated among Baloches for the protection given by him to a woman named Sammi, a refugee from the Buledhi tribe with her cattle. He, with most of his brethren, was slain in attempting to recover them from a Buledhi raid, and he is often held up as a model for the other chiefs to follow and compared to Mir Chaakar who fought about Gauhar’s camels of the three following poems. The first, relating the death of Doda, is given by Hetu Ram in the persian character in his Biluchi nama. (Dames, 1907, pp. 40–41)
In Dames' introduction, he described how some Buledhis had settled in the land of Sangsila. Sammi's husband was a wealthy man without a male heir. One day, Sangsila ventured into his fields and discovered that some cows had been grazing there. He returned the next day and found the same situation, which persisted into the third day. His attempts to trace the footprints of the cows were unsuccessful. In a final effort, he kindled a fire, leaving it to burn until the following day, which marked the third day of this episode. To his astonishment, he discovered nineteen cows lying near the fire. He believed in his heart that these cows were a heavenly gift. Consequently, he drove them back to his home and bequeathed them to his wife as her share of the inheritance. She was legally unable to claim any part of her husband's wealth and property other than those cows, believed to have been divinely granted.
Dames stands out among the native Baloch writers in a few distinctive ways. Firstly, he is the only one to mention Sammi's husband's name. Moreover, in his introduction, he uniquely documented that Sangsila (Sammi's husband) granted the heavenly cows to his wife under Doda's protection, to be inherited by her after his passing. In most Baloch stories, the common narrative is that Sammi, as a widow, sought refuge with Doda. Furthermore, Dames' inclusion of the concept of "heavenly granted cows" in the introductory part of the story appears to introduce a supernatural element that is absent in the writings of the other native authors.
By defining the circumstances, background and introduction of the story Balach Gorgezh, Baluch (1977) narrated:
After the fall and fiasco of the Rind Master Mom, the Rind nobles lost courage and capacity to stand against a falling fabric. During the end of the sixteenth century, a part of the Gorgezh clan of Nuhani tribe too lived in the neighborhood of Omri Mountain near Sangsila, a place in Bugti area. One of the Buledis, possessing herds of sheep and goats, came to Doda Gorgezh and lived under his protection. Her husband died, and Doda pawned his honor for her safety and security. After a few days her deceased husband’s relative came to distribute the herd. (pp. 401–402)
In the light of the above discussion it has been shown that both native and non-native transcreators mentioned the time and place of the battle but with minor differences.
When analysing the individuals or participants involved in the ballad, distinctions and disparities emerge between the indigenous and non-indigenous writers in the selected tale. To illustrate, Aamil (2001) delves into the social roles, interpersonal connections, and identities of the 'participants' in the narrative. However, Aamil does not provide the name of Sammi's spouse, a significant character and participant in the story.
دودا بالاچءِ مسترین برات ءُ گورگیج ٹکءِ سردار ءُ کماش ات۔ ۔۔۔ بانک سمیءِ لوگ واجہ وتی وھدءُ باریگءِ شریں ءُ نامداریں، مالدارے زانگ بوتگ ات۔ ۔۔۔۔ آھی جنوزامی ءُ بے سہاریءَ چہ بیبرگ پُژ ءَ آھی مال و دلوتاںءَ وتی چمءِ چیرءَ کت۔۔۔۔سمی ءَ دیست کہ بیبرگءِ ارادہ نیک نہ انت ، آ روچءِ روزردہ وتی مال و دلوتاناں ھے کنانءَ گورگیج ٹکءِ غیرت داریں سردارءِگورءَ شت ءُ آھیءِ میار بوت۔(p. 625)
Doda, the older sibling of Balach, held the position of the leader within the Gorgezh tribe. Sammi's spouse was a renowned affluent individual during his era. As Sammi found herself in a vulnerable and widowed state, Bevargh Puzh actively sought out opportunities to acquire herds and cattle (p. 625).
In contrast, the non-native writer Dames (1907) offered a more explicit description of the story's participants. Dames narrated the component more clearly than Aamil. In his introductory passage, he defines the participants of the story as, “Doda Gorgezh is celebrated among Baloches for the protection given by him to a woman named Sammi, a refugee from the Buledhi tribe with her cattle” (p. 41).
Regarding the participants in the story, Aamil (2001) mentioned one conflict between Doda and the Buledhis, while both Dames and Baluch's narratives discuss two separate episodes of war, demonstrating a similarity between the native and non-native writers in their accounts of the wars and their participants.
In addition, Aamil (2001), gave a more comprehensive view of the tale by saying that one day, after Sammi's husband passed away, his heirs arrived, demanding the cattle. Doda relinquished all the other cattle but did not surrender Sammi's herd. The next day, the Buledhis came and raided that herd. Doda pursued them and caught up with them at Garm Ap, resulting in a battle. Doda was killed by the Buledhis, and his tomb remains there. The Buledhis then launched another raid, this time targeting a herd of camels belonging to Rais, son of Doda's uncle. Rais, along with his brothers Kawri, Chandram, Tota, Murid, and Summen, pursued and confronted them in battle, and they were all slain. Baluch (1977) provides a nearly identical version of this narrative, narrating it in a similar manner:
Doda as wise as honest, kept the part of herd for Sammi, and his art vexed and venom the Buledhis, who one day came and robbed the herd of Sammi. Doda pursued the robbers and met them at a place known as ‘Garm Ap’. Fierce fight ensued between them; at last he was killed with every joint a wound. Second time again the Buledhis made a raid on the camp of Rais, the cousin of Doda and plundered his herd, Rais along with his brothers, Kawari, Tota, Murid, Soman and Chandram , dogged the Buledhi maunders and crossed swords with them. Balach son of Hassan, the only surviving brother of Doda remained among the family to avenge their blood. (p. 402)
The way characters, conflicts, and events are portrayed in the story of Doda and Balach differ among authors depending on their proximity to the culture. These differences are most noticeable in how Balach's role and identity are presented. Despite these variations, both native and non-native writers contribute to the process of transforming the story from one culture to another, highlighting the influence of different perspectives and storytelling traditions.
The 'Ends' component in a story encompasses the underlying reasons and intentions that drive the narrative and the ultimate goal to be pursued in order to fulfill the story's purpose. However, in the case of the less-examined story of Doda and Balach, both native and non-native writers present distinctly different endings. Dames (1907) portrays the story's conclusion as centered around a financial objective, involving the handling of money and its exchange between the adversaries.
It happened in this wise when the Buledhis came and they said to Balach that money that you carried off, return it. Balach replied on this by saying that when I had money you never asked for it, but now that it has all dropped away from me you come and demand it. It was thus the Gorgezh and Buledhis fought. (p. 43)
On the contrary, many native authors align the story's purpose and goal with the revival of the Balochi code of conduct, particularly in the context of safeguarding a woman seeking refuge, who had recently married and was meant to find her peaceful solace with her husband. Doda's motivation, as described by Aamil (2001), stemmed from taunts ("Shigaan") from his mother and members of his mother-in-law's family, urging him to protect the lady in distress. As mentioned by Aamil (2001),
"دودا کہ نوک سور ات، گوں وتی مہرانی بانکءَ سارتیں ھندءَ وش واب ات۔ آھی ءَ را گوانک جنگ بوت کہ سمیءِ گُورم بیبرگءَ برت"۔(p.653)
“Doda, who was newly wedded and resting with his bride, was aroused by saying that Bevargh had driven away Sammi’s herd” (p. 653).
According to accounts by Baluch (1977) and Dashti (2019), Doda made the ultimate sacrifice during the early days of his marriage, forsaking the companionship of his newly-wedded bride to ensure the continuity of the Balochi code of honor that had been passed down through generations.
In terms of act sequences, the way events unfold in the English transcreated content, can differ in various ways from the original story. In his 1907 book, Dames described a situation where Sammi sought refuge in Doda with her cattle, but Ramen, a member of the Buledhi clan, conducted a raid on Sammi's cattle, as he mentioned in his writing. “Ramen, a youth, who dwelt nearby, saw Sammi’s cows; the children of Miral (i.e the Buledhis) raided them and wickedly drove them away” (p. 43). Dames recorded the act sequences and progression of events as narrated by Ghulam Muhammad Balachani. It's worth noting that, according to Dames, these act sequences in the second and third poems exhibited variations from each other. As mentioned by Dames (1907):
Take away Bivargh black pointed sword, how has he become as a foolish boy, and taken leave of his childish wits! He came and plundered the cattle which grazed in Doda’s charge on Mir Hammal’s sandy waste, leaving the owner enraged. (p. 44)
In essence, this progression of events was connected to a poem sung by Balach, who used it as a challenge in seeking revenge for Doda against Bivargh. This highlights a notable difference in the progression of the original story, which typically depicts Sammi seeking protection in Doda, where attempts were made to provide that protection, but ultimately resulted in a betrayal. Following this, Sammi's younger brother, Balach, vowed to avenge his brother's murder.
On the other hand, Baluch (1977) presented the progression of the events after the fall of the Rind kingdom and scattering of various Baloch tribes in different areas with mutual fights and rivalries,
After the fall and fiasco of Rind master dom, the rind nobles lost courage and capacity to stand against the falling fabric. Amidst utter confusion, some of the chiefs grouped several clans under their swords but that too lasted for a short period like a flicker of an extinguishing candle. (p. 401)
The ‘key’ component of Hymes’s SPEAKING model is very important among the rest, because it tells how the language conveys emotions, attitudes and values to further see if there are any differences and similarities. In addition, it shows how these emotions may affect the story during the transcreation process. For example, as per native writers, Doda was in the period of harmony (honey moon), spending the days of a newly wedded couple. He was called to leave all the rest and quickly act for the protection of Sammi. But the incident is narrated in ordinary words, so all the emotions are aborted. According to Dames (1907) Doda was lying asleep when his mother came and roused him. This narration shows Doda was taking a normal rest. On the contrary, native writers captured the scene with a lot of emotions and feelings, as mentioned by Aamil (2001) in his book, “Doda was in a pleasant rest in the chilled of wedding room both the bride and groom” (p. 653).
Another Baloch researcher and writer Dashti (2019) described the same event with similar sentiments as,
ماتءَ پاد کتگ لالینءَ
ماتءَ گشتگ; مہروانیں
آمرد کہ میاراں جلاں
نیم روچاں نہ وسپاں کلاں
دوت ءُ شر سریں گراں مُلاں۔ p. 362) )
His mother aroused the bride,
His mother taunted the bride,
Those who claimed for protection,
Never sleep in midday with having their brides embraced (p.362).
On the other hand, the native writer Dashti (2019) employed emotionally charged expressions and words to inspire his mare before chasing after the plunderers, employing terms that conveyed a strong sense of determination and connection between Doda and his loyal horse as,
اولاک ءَ دل ءُ جانینءَ سُہرنگءَ سبک گامین ءَ
دروہی داتگ ئے سہرنگءَ سہرنگ تو منءَ گون گیج ئے
سہرنگ ءَ ہُرش ئے زرتگ ڈالیں بانز ل ئے نز گیپتگ
اِنزار ئے کتگ برز مرگی کشانءَ شتگ سیمرگی۔(p.363)
To his mare of loving,
Sohrang of berrling,
Boosted his Sohrang,
Sohrang, you be loyal to me,
Sohrang took an assurgent,
Tapped her feet with diligent,
She took off and fly,
Like a simurg in the sky. (p. 363)
Upon analyzing the "key" element in the original story, it becomes evident that it skillfully incorporates metaphors, adding depth to the narrative. However, in the transcreation and translations by non-native writers, this aspect is often missing. For instance, before setting off to battle, the native writer employed the metaphor of the "Simurgh" while boosting his mare Sohrang. The Simurgh's significance evolved from the ancient myths of Iran, symbolizing royalty, guarding the Persian kingdom, and eventually representing the divine. This connection adds layers of meaning and cultural richness to the story. Native writers, particularly Dashti, establish a strong environmental and natural connection in the narrative. The description of Doda's mare, Sohrang, is filled with vivid imagery and metaphors.
The characters in this heroic ballad predominantly employ warfare as a means to achieve their objectives. The history of the Baloch tribe is replete with wars and battles, suggesting that this might be an inherent characteristic. Dames (1907) noted that when the Buledhis attacked the rest of the Gorgezh tribe for the second time, only one of the brethren remained: Balach, described as a man of poor spirit’ (p. 42). Inspite of being alone and underage, he committed with conviction, never to forgive the murderer of his brother Doda. Dames wrote about Balach as a poor spirited man, however, native writers portrayed Balach differently. They depicted him as a passionate individual, driven to avenge his brother's murder. For this purpose, he symbolized the sword, arrow, dagger, and shield, signifying his determination to seek justice for his family. Balach didn't seek support or refuge; instead, he used these symbols to represent his optimism and rejected dependency and pessimism. Driven by his unyielding warrior spirit and the desire for revenge, Balach confronted his adversary, Bivargh.
For my sons you may choose the arrows,
For my son in law the pointed dagger,
For my brethren the broad shield,
For my father the wide wondering sword (Dames, p.45).
There are many close similarities of the above poem with most of Baloch writers. For instance, Baluch (1977) narrated as,
مئےبچ گشینین گونڈل انت
مئے زاماث شلیں خنجر ان
مئے عاریف مزن تاپین لڑ انت "۔(p. 404)
The select arrows are my sons.
The printed poniard serves in place of my son in law.
For my distinguished father the wide wondering sword (pp. 408– 409).
It can be genuinely inferred from the previously discussed heroic ballad why Doda and his younger brother Balach resorted to warfare and combat as their means of confronting their adversaries. In this particular case, it wasn't a tribal war but rather a conflict stemming from a breach of the Balochi code of conduct.
The "Norms" component holds importance because it enables a comparison between the source text and the transcreated text, helping the readers assess whether the norms have affected the story during the transcreation process. Among the selected Balochi folktale, the heroic ballad of Doda and Balach stands out due to its unique incorporation of numerous codes of conduct derived from the rich cultural heritage, traditions, and norms of the Baloch tribes and race. The story beautifully portrays major norms and codes, including "protection," taunting, making vows, and seeking vengeance, as depicted by native writers. There are multiple variations in how these norms are presented. For instance, Dames (1907) narrated that Sammi's husband sought Doda's protection, and ‘he moved to live under Doda Gorgezh's guardianship’ (p. 41). In contrast, Dashti (2019) described how Doda fought against a group of better-armed and superior in number men, organized by Beebagr, who had taken away Sammi's cows and were adversaries of Doda” (p. 151).
BahootIn Balochi, the term "Bahoot" is used to denote protection. Protecting and defending a Bahoot was considered the foremost duty of the Baloch people in accordance with their norms and customs. When it came to safeguarding a Bahoot, a Baloch would never retreat, even if it meant sacrificing their life by engaging in combat against their adversaries. Dashti (2019) shed light on a distinctive aspect of Baloch culture concerning Bahoot protection and asylum. He mentioned,
There are interesting instances in Baloch history where a Baloch took up arms to defend a Bahoot and his property. The most peculiar was the animal Bahoot, a lizard, which resulted in tribal conflict and endless fighting between the Kalmati and Bulfath tribes in the early eighteenth century. The thirty-year war between Rind and Lashari is said to have been started by the camels of Gauhar. Doda Gorgezh fought against Beebagr who had taken away the cows of Sammi, a Bahoot of Doda. (pp. 50–51)
Shigan (Taunt)The selected story of Doda and Balach revived another code of conduct of Baloch legacy, that is taunting. Dashti (2019) described taunting in his book as:
Balach always behaved in a respectable and honorable manner. His entire behavior was guided by a strict social code. Any weakness or action which was not in accordance with social ethos was scornfully rebutted by the people. Such rebuttal was considered a great insult. Shigaan (taunting) was an established factor in Baloch culture and a permanent check on its members. (p. 162)
Dames overlooked this crucial social norm within Baloch culture. However, the entire Baloch community takes pride in their history, which includes the story of Doda. It's a story of how Doda was taunted by his mother, compelling him to swiftly confront the robbers who had taken Sammi's cows, which he was responsible for protecting. As described by Dashti (2019):
The mother of Doda taunted him saying that those who kept Bahoot would never sleep at ease and let the Bahoot be molested or her proper taken away. Doda immediately got up, followed the raiding party and in the process was killed. (p. 163)
Contrary to the Baloch writer, Dames (1907) just covered the event superficially, Doda pursued and over took them at Gram Ap, and there they fought. Doda was killed by Buledhis” (p. 42). A similar version of Dames and Baluch (1977), however, can be seen in this regard of the event as ‘Doda pursued the robbers, and met them at a place known as Garm Ap, fierce fight ensued between them, Doda with his keen edged sword fought, he was killed with every joint a wound. (p. 402) The original story depicted this as a severe taunt to his son instead of the fact that he was newly wedded. As mentioned by Aamil (2001):
گوشتگ مہربانیں مات ءَ آ مرد کہ میاراں جل انت
نیم روچاں نہ وسپاں کلاں۔(p.653)
“His mother taunted the groom; those who claimed for the protection never sleep in the midday” (p. 653).
VowThe story also delves into another important aspect of Baloch cultural and social norms known as "vow." According to Dashti (2019), vows hold a significant place in Baloch society. When a Baloch made a vow or swore to undertake, or abstain from certain actions, they would honor that commitment with great integrity. At times, such vows could lead to dire consequences. In the case of the murder of his elder brother Doda, by the Buleidhi tribe, Balach made a solemn vow to seek revenge once he had reached the age of puberty.
In a Baloch society, taking a vow promulgating oath, demands a do or die situation for the oath bearer at any cost. Dashti (2019) narrated the vow of Balach in the similar canvas of the story; the Baloch approach to an enemy is fully depicted in a poem attributed to Balach who fought an entire tribe. He further said:
I will do away with the evildoers, Doda’s enemies, in a manner a falcon does to the pigeons, the way hot winds dry up small ponds; the way wine devastates millet crops; the way goat swallows up the branches of prosodies spacebar; the way wolf treats lambs, and fisherman with river fishes. (p. 158)
Contrary to of both native and non-native writers, Baluch (1977) mentioned two oaths, including of Balach’s and Naqeebo’s (his half-blood brother according to him). He narrated “he unbarred his sword and kissed it. The sword is an oath to a Baloch, and oaths must have their course. His sole-held-blooded and half-brother, Naqibo, too swore to join his faith and fidelity with Balach” (p. 402). The excerpts related to Balach's vow illustrate that he occupied a position of great importance within Balochi norms and customs. This is why he fearlessly confronted his enemies to avenge his brother's murder, aiming to set an example through his actions and making them symbols of extreme determination and resolve.
AvengeThe Baloch are renowned for their unwavering commitment to seeking revenge for the murder of their relatives. What's particularly intriguing is that there's no specific timeframe or limit prescribed for this pursuit of vengeance, and the Baloch are prepared to exact retribution whenever necessary. Importantly, all these conflicts are conducted with a strong adherence to ethics and codes, as described by Dashti (2019), “Battles were usually fought outside the settlements. In their tribal wars, they never took the Baloch women as a slaves nor did they enter into the houses after a victory on the battlefield” (p. 174).
The story of Doda and Balach, as reviewed here, serves to rekindle the history and legacy of the Baloch tribe, because at the time of the murder of his brother Doda, the only survivor of the family was his younger brother Balach. He was a juvenile then. Despite his weak position and adolescence, he was convicted for revenge for the blood of his brother, and never passed two hundred years. Aamil (2001) narrated in his book as:
بالاچ پہ وتی براتءِ بیرانیءَ باز ملور ءُ پریشان بیت۔ یک روچے بے توارءَ چہ لوگءَ در کپت ءُ پہ مزوری ءُ پوریاگری بندات کنانءَ نشانگ بازی ءُ زھم جنیءِ کسب ءَ ھون ھیل کنت۔ سیون شریفءَ ءُ دگہ بازیں پیر ءُ پکیرانی درگاہءَ چیزے سال گوازینگءَ پد وھدیکہ مزن ءُ ورناہ بیت، دلءَ ستک بیت کہ آھیءِ براتءِ بیر گیریءِ آھرءَ موکل دیگ بوتگ ءُ چہ شاہءِ درگاہءَ گوں ھمبل نقیبوءِ ھواریءَ شپ پہ شپ بی بگر پُژ ءِ ھلکءِ سرءَ ارش کنت ءُ بازیں کنگریں ورنا کشت ءُ وتی بیر گیریءِ آسءَ سوسینیت۔ آھی براتءِ مرگ آھی دلءَ چو کاٹارئیں ٹپءَ ات۔ (p. 654)
Balach is engulfed in pain and sorrow upon the murder of his brother. One day he left the home and started earning a livelihood, while he learnt the art of swordsmanship as well. After visiting Sehwan Sharif and other shrines, there was an abundant time and he grew up. He believed the time had come and he was permitted to revenge the blood of his brother. (p. 654)
Dames, (1907) in his book wrote this story with a similar version. He also mentioned the visits of Balach to different shrines and spending his time over there. Similarly, Dames mentioned Naqeebo, but according to him, Naqeebo was the step brother of Balach, who is not mentioned, so the native writers in no place except Baluch (1977) who mentioned in his book as:
Balach then went to the shrine of Sakhi Sarwar, and for three years he fetched water (carried water pots) for the pilgrims. After three years were past, one night he saw a vision. Sakhi Sarwar came and roused Balach, saying, ‘Go and fight with the Buledhis’. He had but one companion, Nakhifo his brother. (They had the same father, but Nakhifo’s mother was a slave girl). (pp. 42–43)
There is similarity of shrine visits and Naqeebo’s mention of Dames and Baluch versions:
Balach son of Hassan, the only surviving brother of Doda, remained among the family to avenge their blood. He went to the shrine of Sakhi Sarwar, near Dera Ghazi Khan, to implore his spiritual successor and remained there for three years. His sole half-blooded and half-brother Naqiboo, too swore to join his faith and fidelity with Balach. (pp. 402–403)
According to the Baloch code of conduct, the murder or blood of any relative, to be forgotten or forgiven, is considered to be an impossibility. Dashti (2019) narrated to this context as:
A famous Balochi war ballad is a clear manifestation of not forgetting the murder of a relative negotiations and arbitration could be possible when the palm of the hand grows hair, Jackal becomes the guards of the chickens or birds, Lions are grazed with the camels. (p. 157)
Under the category of genre, the type of story is identified as a heroic ballad. In the under reviewed research, all the selected authors presented versions of the story in both poetry and prose formats. Baloch history is rich in folklore and folktales of various genres, but the poetry and ballad found in the story of Balach and Doda are exemplars of "sher" (couplet) style.
The above discussion shows that translating a story into English doesn't merely involve finding equivalent words, rather, authors often have different ideas about what makes a story important, and this affects how they tell it in English. So, when different authors translate the same story, they may choose to highlight different parts or events. This means that the English versions of the tale are different from each other, even though they're all based on the same original story.
The primary objective of this study was to explore significant cultural norms within the Baloch community, specifically as portrayed in English-translated Balochi folktales. It encompasses an analysis of key tribal codes among the Baloch, including Bahoot, Haal, Misthaagi, Meid, the status of women, vows, bier, Shigaan, Lajjo Mayar, Mehr, and war ethics, as identified by Dashti (2019).
The study's findings reveal that both native and non-native transcreators depict the Baloch cultural traditions in the selected folktales, however, the study suggests that native transcreators exhibit a deep comprehension of Baloch cultural tradition, maintaining subtle details within the selected folk tales. Native transcreators demonstrate a heightened awareness of cultural motifs, effortlessly integrating indigenous customs, beliefs, and societal frameworks. This representation indicates a genuine bond with the cultural tapestry, encouraging a more profound involvement with Baloch traditions.
The translator's cultural and societal background affects how they approach translation, including how they revise, handle differences, and alter the text. These aspects collectively shape the "texture" or overall impression of the translated work. The study has successfully achieved its objective of studying how both native and non-native writers make decisions regarding what to include or exclude. Dames interpreted the details based upon his position as an outsider, through the lens of colonizer. Dames' rendition lacks the depth of cultural understanding, resulting in a somewhat simplified depiction of the incidence.
In contrast, native transcreators vividly portray the richness of Baloch cultural traditions through their language and emotional expressions, offering a profound insight into the cultural values, warrior spirit, and familial bonds embedded in Balochi folktales.
Dames presented the story of Doda and Balach as a straightforward narrative. However, beneath its surface, the ballad serves as a profound embodiment of the complete Baloch code of conduct.
Within the story, one can find intricate layers related to protection, taunting, revenge, and the solemn commitment to vows, all of which, the characters exemplify through their actions. The narrative not only recounts the events surrounding Doda and Balach but also encapsulates the broader essence of the Baloch cultural values and principles that shape their societal norms.
To sum up, the exploration of the Baloch cultural tradition within the selected Balochi folktale emphasizes differences between indigenous and foreign transcribers. While both native and non-native writers portray these codes of conduct, indigenous transcreators offer a more intricate and culturally genuine depiction, showcasing a deep comprehension of Baloch norms, customs, and principles. It shows that the choices made by transcreators including explanations, word selection, and editing reflect their personal perspectives and cultural backgrounds. As individuals are shaped by their culture, translators naturally introduce a level of bias into their work, influencing the tone and subtleties of the translated material. This highlights the importance of understanding the cultural subjectivity inherent in translation, as the translator's worldview plays a role in how the source text is interpreted and presented.
The findings indicate that the English translator, Dames, has reinterpreted the Baloch culture from the source text (ST) through the lens of his Western European colonial viewpoint. This reinterpretation encompasses the utilization of transcreation techniques, which include editing, reconciliation, and transmutation. Supporting this viewpoint, Bassnett (2013) argues that translation is not a neutral process but a constructive tool that molds new realities. Moreover, historical evidence indicates that in the nineteenth century, colonial entrepreneurs exploited translation as a method to gain linguistic and anthropological insights into the indigenous population of colonized India.
This research is interdisciplinary in nature and is useful not only in academia, but also for professionals in fields such as anthropology, ethno-linguistics, sociology, politics, culture, linguistics, literature, communication, and gender studies. The study seeks to address the limitations of conventional translation and provide a solution through the adaptation and reinterpretation of the original text using the method of transcreation. This study provides a comprehensive analysis of the differences and similarities between the original Balochi folktales and their English transcreated versions.
This information can be useful for future researchers who are interested in studying the transcreation of other types of texts or who want to understand more about the process in general. This study will contribute to the existing body of knowledge about transcreation and its impact on different elements of the original story, such as the setting, participants, purposes, progression of events, tone, methods used, cultural norms, and genre.
The researcher has narrowed down the analysis to Baloch cultural tradition in the selected English transcreated folktales by keeping in view the aims and objectives of the study. This study has focused on only those selected Balochi folktales which are easily available, and their English translations are done by both native and non-native writers.
This research will be beneficial for scholars of literature and linguistics. This study will introduce a new sub-genre within Pakistani literature and Pakistani languages, opening opportunities for scholars to study and explore this genre of literature.
The authors of the manuscript have no financial or non-financial conflict of interest in the subject matter or materials discussed in this manuscript.
Data availability is not applicable as no new data is created.
No funding has been received for this research.
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